Wanna bet?

http://hanson.gmu.edu/natureNov02.pdf

NATURE|VOL 420 | 28 NOVEMBER 2002|www.nature.com/nature

Stephen was 33 when he made his first
bet — an innocent wager with a
colleague, just a token prize and
professional pride at stake. It was not to be
his last. Stephen’s career went from strength
to strength, but he continued to place
wagers. When it comes to making a point
about science, Stephen Hawking is a compulsive
gambler.

The world’s best-known cosmologist is
not alone. The history of science is littered
with bets, from ill-fated attempts to prove
that the world is flat, to numerous wagers
over whether various sub-atomic particles
exist. A book at the Stanford Linear Accelerator
Center in California, for example, records
about 35 bets in high-energy physics dating
back to the 1980s, many still unresolved. And
Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory in New York
is running Genesweep, a sweepstake on the
number of genes in the human genome.
Genesweep’s winner will pocket at least
$750, and gain the satisfaction of having outguessed
a star-studded cast of biologists. But
making bets on science has a serious side. By
putting their hard-earned cash on the line,
wagers encourage scientists to think hard
about their arguments and can also attract
media attention to otherwise arcane topics.
Over the past few years, websites have sprung
up to harness these benefits. “A well-conceived
bet can frame an issue,” claims Kevin
Kelly, editor-at-large of Wired magazine, and
co-founder of the Long Bets Foundation,
which runs one such website. “If it has
enough clarity, it can move the subject on.”
But scientific wagers have a history of
stirring controversy. Take the 1980 challenge
laid down by the late economist Julian Simon
of the University of Maryland, College Park.
Annoyed by claims from environmentalists
about the scarcity of natural resources,
Simon asserted that the price of five metals
would fall by 1990, and challenged dissenters
to a wager. Winning the bet, Simon reasoned,
would show that these resources are becoming
more plentiful, not less so.
Paul Ehrlich, a population biologist at
Stanford University in California, took
Simon on. Together with John Harte and
John Holdren, physicists then both at the
University of California, Berkeley, Ehrlich
agreed to monitor the value of an imaginary
portfolio for $200 of each of the metals. If
the portfolio’s value dropped, Ehrlich, Harte
and Holdren would pay Simon the difference;
if it rose, he would pay them. The
metals’ value dropped by $576 and Ehrlich
and his colleagues duly paid up.
Although that bet was settled, the two sides
disagree on the lessons to be learned. Some
economists use the result to claim that environmental
groups exaggerate the problems
facing the planet. But Ehrlich maintains that
it merely shows that the metals chosen were
poor indicators of our exploitation of natural
resources. “I regret entering the bet,” he says.
Other scientific gamblers have emerged
victorious and yet still suffered regrets. In
1870, the British naturalist Alfred Russel
Wallace, co-originator of the theory of evolution
by natural selection, took up a challenge
to prove that the Earth is not flat. John Hampden,
a dedicated flat-Earther, had staked £500
on the question — then a great deal of money.
A test, involving a stretch of the Old Bedford
Canal, north of London, was agreed on.
Wallace measured the canal’s curvature
using two markers, separated by about five
kilometres and suspended at equal heights
above the water’s surface. Viewed through a
telescope mounted at the same height some 10
km away from the farthest marker, the nearest
news feature
354 NATURE|VOL 420 | 28 NOVEMBER 2002|www.nature.com/nature
Wanna bet?
Scientific wagers have a long and colourful history. Are they just
harmless fun, or can they help to frame and clarify important
issues? Jim Giles surveys the odds.
Brief wagers on time: Stephen Hawking is keen
to bet on unanswered questions in physics.
A. PARSONS/AP; THANKS TO WILLIAM HILL BOOKMAKERS FOR SUPPLYING ODDS THE SCOTSMAN/CORBIS SYGMA
© 2002 Nature PublishingGroup
one appeared to be the higher of the two. An
independent referee agreed that this showed
the Earth’s surface to curve away from the telescope,
and Wallace received his money.
But Hampden never accepted the result,
and bombarded Wallace and his associates
with abuse. In June 1871, he wrote to the
naturalist’s wife: “If your infernal thief of a
husband is brought home some day … with
every bone in his head smashed to a pulp, you
will know the reason.” Wallace brought and
won libel suits, but Hampden was declared
bankrupt, leaving Wallace to pay costs. In the
end, his winnings were wiped out — and the
publicity attracted new members to the flat-
Earth movement.
Other wagers have produced more fruitful
debate. In 2000, Steven Austad of the University
of Idaho in Moscow bet Jay Olshansky,
a fellow researcher of ageing at the University
of Chicago, that someone alive at that time
would live to be 150, with their cognitive faculties
intact. The two established a trust fund
that they estimate will be worth $500 million
when the bet pays out to one or the other’s
heirs in 2150.
The wager has been widely discussed in the
media. “Bets can be an interesting way to popularize
science, as long as those involved make
sure that they discuss science when reporters
come calling,” says Olshansky. He and Austad
have been invited to speak in December
before the President’s Council on Bioethics in
Washington. “If our wager contributed to the
decision to have this discussion, then it was
extraordinarily productive,” Olshansky says.
Brought to book
Hawking’s bets have similarly generated
media interest — most recently, journalists
have picked up on a $100 bet made in
December 2000 with theoretical physicist
Gordon Kane of the University of Michigan
in Ann Arbor. Kane asserts that the Higgs
boson, the predicted particle thought to
give other particles their mass, will be discovered
at the Tevatron accelerator at Fermilab
near Chicago; Hawking says it won’t.
So could such publicity, and the way in
which bets force both parties to hone their
arguments, be harnessed in an organized
way? The backers of the Long Bets Foundation
think so. The foundation, established
last year, aims to encourage people to propose
long-term, well-defined bets and to generate
discussion about the issues involved. Eleven
wagers, worth a total of $48,000, have so far
been agreed on the foundation’s website.
Other bets remain open. Bruce Damer,
president of DigitalSpace, an Internet
company in Santa Cruz, California, is looking
for someone to challenge his assertion
that “by 2024, ‘artificial’ life emerging somewhere
out of the soup of human technology
will be given a Latin taxonomic name by
biologists … and declared viable for study”.
Damer has staked $1,000, the minimum
allowed. This is kept in a trust fund and the
money generated will be paid to the winner’s
chosen charity when the bet is resolved.
Kelly believes that the rules encourage
responsible predictions. “We feel that there
should be some pain in losing,” he says.
“Normally there is no penalty for being
wrong, so people make predictions that are
not responsible.”
Other groups are trying to develop these
ideas further. In the early 1990s, Robin
Hanson, an economist now at George Mason
University in Fairfax, Virginia, developed the
concept of ‘ideas futures’ — markets that trade
shares in ideas. Several versions of his concept,
such as the web-based Foresight Exchange,
which allows players to trade pretend-money
shares in ideas, have been implemented by
enthusiasts for market-based solutions.
You might, for example, want to assert
that an adult human will have been cloned
by 2005. You would start by ‘buying’ pairs of
coupons in the idea from the market. The
news feature
NATURE|VOL 420 | 28 NOVEMBER 2002|www.nature.com/nature 355
‘YES’ coupon pays $1 if the claim comes true;
‘NO’ coupons pay the same if it is false. Confident
that a clone will be created, you would
retain your YES coupons. Sceptics would buy
your NO coupons, believing that they would
generate a pay-off in 2005.
A problem shared
Importantly, the price at which other players
are willing to buy coupons indicates
how much faith the market has in the idea.
The human-cloning claim already exists on
the Foresight Exchange. YES coupons were
trading at 36 cents as Nature went to press,
indicating that the market believes there is a
36% chance of the claim being correct.
This evaluation may be of limited use,
however, as anyone can play the Foresight
Exchange and traders are not using real
money. But what would happen if an ideas
market were to be played by scientific experts
using their own cash? According to Tom Bell,
a lawyer at Chapman University in Orange,
California, such a market would be extremely
useful, as the price of shares in a particular
idea would provide a snapshot of how the
scientific community felt about that issue.
Consider a claim about climate change,
such as the size of the expected rise in mean
global temperature by 2100. As long as
enough scientists with relevant knowledge
played the market, the price should reflect
the latest developments in climate research.
Policy-makers could use the market as a way
of assessing current thinking, free from the
bias of industry and activist groups — both
of which tend to quote temperature changes
at the extreme ends of the spectrum.
Bell is now looking for an institution to
host the project, which he has named the
Simon Market in honour of Simon’s work.
But could scientists be persuaded to sink
their money into such a market? “If you
present it as a scientific experiment then
scientists would be eager to try it,” suggests
Bell. “Scientists also have egos and like
money as much as anyone else.” His proposal
is currently being considered by the Mercatus
Center, a public-policy, law and economics
offshoot of George Mason University.
Whether the ideas of Bell and the Long
Bets Foundation will sway public debate
or merely provide entertainment remains
unclear. But while you’re totting up the
odds, there’s still time for visitors to Cold
Spring Harbor to enter Genesweep, before
the final figure is announced next year. Our
tip: 31,789 genes. n
Jim Giles is Nature’s associate News and Features editor.
Genesweep
ç www.ensembl.org/Genesweep
Long Bets Foundation
ç www.longbets.org
Foresight Exchange
ç www.ideosphere.com
The Simon Market
ç www.simonmarket.org
Alfred Russel Wallace won his bet that the Earth is
round, but was vilified for years by his opponent.
Futures trader: Tom Bell wants to assess scientific
theories by having experts invest in ‘idea stocks’.
SPL
© 2002 Nature PublishingGroup

Gambling for the Good, Trading for the Future

http://www.tomwbell.com/writings.html#gambling

Gambling for the Good, Trading for the Future:
The Legality of Markets in Science Claims
Tom W. Bell*
4 CHAPMAN L. REV. __ (2002) (forthcoming; draft v. 2002.04.23)

I. Introduction
Good ideas do not always lead to legal acts. Setting up a market in science claims,1 for
instance, certainly sounds like a good idea. Such a market could effectively open a shortcut to the future, giving us the means to answer crucial scientific questions more quickly, accurately, and cheaply than we can at present. Notwithstanding their salient benefits, however, U.S. law does not clearly approve of markets in science claims. They do not fit neatly into any category created by common law, statute, or regulation, and their legal status remains untested by the courts. This article aims to dispel some of the legal uncertainty surrounding markets in science claims and thus to help chart a path toward their implementation.2
* Associate Professor, Chapman University School of Law. B.A., with Honors, University of Kansas; M.A., University of Southern California; J.D., University of Chicago. I thank Robin Hanson, Ken Kittlitz, Denis Binder, and Stuart Benjamin for commenting on drafts of the paper; Carl A. Royal, esq., for sharing his knowledge of commodity futures law; and Donna G. Matias for editorial comments. Copyright 2001, Tom W. Bell. All rights reserved.

1 In very brief, a “science claim” constitutes a statement provable within a specified and finite period of time by
authoritative means. For details, see infra, Part II.
2 By way of full disclosure, I note that I have an interest in seeing markets in science claims made legal because I
would like to see one established in honor of the late Dr. Julian L. Simon. Toward that end, I have won the permission
of his widow, Dr. Rita A. Simon, to research the possibility of creating the Simon Market in Science Claims. See
Chapman Law Review [Vol. 4:1
draft v. 2002.04.23 2
Given that they remain almost wholly untried, and thus largely unknown, Part II offers a
concise introduction to markets in science claims. Part III then compares the transactions
supported by such a market with their closest analogs in extant U.S. law: gambling and
commodity futures trading.3 That comparison finds the policies behind such laws generally more
sympathetic to markets in science claims than the laws themselves, though even the latter offer
some hope. Nonetheless, recognizing that some people refuse to let bad laws stand in the way of
good acts, Part IV considers a few alternative strategies for implementing fully functional, if
somewhat less than fully public or legal, markets in science claims.
II. The Why and What of Markets in Science Claims
Scientific progress has given us increasingly healthy, wealthy, and well-informed lives.4
A chorus of critics, however, warns that our modern lifestyles threaten to repay us with
nightmares such as rising sea levels, genetically engineered monsters, and nano-terrorism.5
Doomsayers often err on the dramatic side, of course. Paul Ehrlich once predicted, for instance,
that the human race would run out of food by the year 1977.6 But the press loves a good horror
story, legislators cannot ignore public fears, and none of us can risk misjudging a potential
generally The Simon Market in Science Claims, Quantifying the Current Consensus, at http://www.simonmarket.org
(last visited Jan. 11, 2002).
3 This article concerns only the law of the United States, though of course some general observations may well hold
true of the law of other countries.
4 In the interest of brevity, “science” herein covers both the theoretical and applied—or what might be called
“technological”—aspects of science.
5 See, e.g., Bill Joy, Why the Future Doesn’t Need Us, WIRED, Apr. 2000, available at

http://www.wired.com/wired/archive/8.04/joy.html.

6 See PAUL R. EHRLICH, THE POPULATION BOMB 36-40 (1968).
Gambling for the Good, Trading for the Future
draft v. 2002.04.23 3
disaster. How, then, can we accurately resolve public policy questions that turn on disputed
scientific claims?
Current means of publicly debating science questions do not work very well. The mass
media too often dish up sensationalized and overly simplified reports. Official investigations
move slowly, rely on “official” opinions, and favor mushy committee-speak over hard truths.
Studies produced by think tanks and policy institutes raise questions of bias.7 Clearly, we need a
better mechanism for resolving scientific disputes.
A better mechanism would ideally give honest, accurate, and timely answers to complex
scientific questions. It would generate a precise numerical measurement of the current expert
consensus about any given issue. Far from elitist, it would reward innovative and accurate
predictions from any and all sources. Such an epistemic mechanism would look still better if it
stimulated public interest in scientific and technological issues, generated its own funding, and
lay ready at hand. Markets in science claims, a type of “idea futures” market, offer just such a
means of tackling difficult and important questions.8
7 Such questions arise because think tanks and policy institutes typically rely on continuing contributions from their
supporters, most of whom expect such organizations to favor particular points of view.
8 Robin Hanson apparently coined the term “idea futures” and has written several groundbreaking papers on markets in
such instruments. See, e.g., Robin Hanson, Could Gambling Save Science? Encouraging an Honest Consensus, SOC.
EPISTEMOLOGY, Jan. 1995, at 3, available at http://hanson.gmu.edu/gamble.html [hereinafter Hanson, Could Gambling
Save Science?]; Robin D. Hanson, Decision Markets, IEEE INTELLIGENT SYSTEMS, May/June 1999, at 16, available at
http://hanson.gmu.edu/decisionmarkets.pdf [hereinafter Hanson, Decision Markets]; Robin Hanson, Idea Futures:
Encouraging an Honest Consensus, EXTROPY, Winter 1991-92, at 7, available at http://hanson.gmu.edu/ifextropy.html
[hereinafter Hanson, Encouraging an Honest Consensus]; Robin Hanson, Idea Futures: How Making Wagers on the
Future Can Make It Happen Faster, WIRED, Sept. 1995, at 125, available at http://hanson.gmu.edu/ifwired.html;
Robin Hanson, Shall We Vote on Values, But Bet on Beliefs? (2000) (unpublished working paper, George Mason
University, Department of Economics), available at http://hanson.gmu.edu/futurachy.pdf [hereinafter Hanson, Vote on
Values].
I use “markets in science claims” herein because I intend to discuss a market hosting only those sorts of claims that
will give it the best case for legality, whereas Hanson describes “idea futures” markets largely in functional terms,
without barring them from hosting claims more likely to fall within the scope of gambling or commodity futures
trading laws.
Chapman Law Review [Vol. 4:1
draft v. 2002.04.23 4
I will here briefly outline the features of such a market in science claims by way of a
simple example, drawing heavily on the work of Professor Robin Hanson.9 Although drawing
analogies to gambling and futures trading helps to explain how such markets function, careful
readers should resist letting those pedagogical tools unduly sway them. As argued in Part III, the
type of market in science claims described here differs in some important respects—important
legal respects—from gambling or futures trading. It also bears keeping in mind that the
following example keeps details fairly thin and prices unrealistically low in the interest of
simplicity.
Suppose that you have a theory, highly unorthodox but well reasoned and consistent with
the available evidence, about the correlation between heat waves and earthquakes.10 Not having
an advanced degree in geophysics or a reputation in the field, you find it hard for anyone to take
your theory seriously. To demonstrate your confidence—and perhaps turn a profit in the
process—you turn to a market in science claims.
First, you carefully word your claim to say, in essence, that within twenty years the
professional geophysical community will have embraced your theory. You call your claim
“HeatQuake” and name an impartial, authoritative third party to judge the claim on its own terms
five years hence. Next, you have the science market’s bank print a matched pair of coupons, one
marked “HeatQuake true = $1,” the other, “HeatQuake false = $1.” As those labels indicate, the
holder of the first coupon can redeem it at the issuing bank for $1 if and when the HeatQuake
claim proves true, whereas the holder of the second can do likewise should HeatQuake prove
9 For Hanson's website devoted to such markets, see Robin Hanson, Idea Futures, at
http://hanson.gmu.edu/ideafutures.html (last visited Jan. 5, 2002), and Robin Hanson, Idea Futures Publications, at
http://hanson.gmu.edu/ifpubs.html#Hanson (last visited Jan. 5, 2002), for a collection of related writings.
10 The example comes from Guo Ziqi et al., Spatial Detect Technology Applied on Earthquake’s Impending Forecast
(Nov. 5-9, 2001) (paper presented at the 22d Asian Conference on Remote Sensing), available at

http://www.crisp.nus.edu.sg/~acrs2001/pdf/192Guo.pdf.

Gambling for the Good, Trading for the Future
draft v. 2002.04.23 5
false. The bank sells you the pair of coupons for $1, calculating that because the claim cannot
turn out to be both true and false, it will only have to pay off one of the two coupons.
Finally, you launch trading on the HeatQuake claim by offering to sell the “HeatQuake
false” claim on the science market for $.75. You keep the “HeatQuake true” coupon, looking
forward to redeeming it later. In contrast, a professional geophysicist who hears about your
offer, and thinks your theory ridiculous, snaps up the “HeatQuake false” coupon with the thought
that she will redeem it and make an easy $.25 on the deal. At that point, your HeatQuake (true)
claim trades at $.25 per coupon, showing that those playing the market regard your theory as
twenty-five percent plausible.
That price-per-coupon does not yet mean much, of course, because only one coupon has
swapped hands. But soon other professional geophysicists want to get in on what they regard as
a sure deal. So you return to the bank, buy more coupon pairs, and sell “HeatQuake false”
coupons to those skeptics as well. Their demand convinces you to raise the price of “HeatQuake
false” to $.84 per coupon, and then to $.96 per coupon. In fact, demand grows so great that you
can no longer afford to buy new coupon pairs from the bank. Fortunately, speculators, intrigued
both by the extreme odds and by a paper about your theory that you have published on your
webpage, join your side of the betting, increasing the market’s capitalization and pushing
HeatQuake’s price up from its $.04 per coupon low to $.12 per coupon. At that point trading
slows, your critics having spent as much as they dare and the speculators on your side unwilling
to risk more money on behalf of your theory.
A few months later, however, a Taiwanese researcher publishes a study showing a
statistically significant correlation between heat waves and earthquakes. Some of your former
adversaries become anxious upon hearing the news and offer to sell their “HeatQuake false”
Chapman Law Review [Vol. 4:1
draft v. 2002.04.23 6
claims at a slight loss. That moves HeatQuake’s price to $.19 per coupon, thus reflecting a new
assessment of your theory. More favorable research issues and the price moves again, and so on
and so forth, HeatQuake’s value at any given time quantifying the consensus of all who back up
their opinions with money.
This example skimps on many interesting details, as noted above, and a few very
important ones. Readers should refer to Hanson’s writing for both more complete descriptions
of “idea futures” markets, of which markets in science claims constitute a type, and for pointcounterpoint
treatment of many possible objections. Hanson’s work also describes the many
advantages to such markets: they quantify the current consensus about complicated issues
quickly, cheaply, and accurately; they reward valuable information no matter where it comes
from; they force wildly inaccurate or under-informed pundits to “put up or shut up”; they
generate public interest in current scientific disputes; they allow parties affected by the topics
covered in science claims to hedge against risk; they require no taxes but instead can fund
themselves; and, as the following examples show, they could start operating tomorrow.11
Although no fully functioning market in science claims currently exists, various playmoney
versions and real-money analogs offer illuminating examples. The Foresight Exchange,12
a play-money market designed to test Hanson’s theories, has been operating on the World Wide
Web since 1994.13 It includes hard science claims (such as CFsn, which predicts the success of
11 See supra note 8.
12 Foresight Exchange Prediction Market, at http://www.ideosphere.com/fx/main.html (last visited Jan. 26, 2002). For
a one-time alternative to the Foresight Exchange that has recently stopped active operation, see The U.S. Idea Futures
Exchange, at http://www.usifex.com (last visited Jan. 26, 2002).
13 Robin Hanson et al., The Story of the Idea Futures Web Site, at http://hanson.gmu.edu/if-prix.html (last visited Jan.
26, 2002).
Gambling for the Good, Trading for the Future
draft v. 2002.04.23 7
cold fusion),14 humane science claims (such as F-Pres, which predicts the United States will have
a female president before ),15 and fun claims (such as King, which predicts that Prince
Charles will be crowned the King of England).16 A handful of other web-based markets, because
they function more like popularity contests than measures of objective criteria, prove somewhat
less instructive. These markets include the Hollywood Stock Exchange, on which players use
“Hollywood Dollars” to trade “shares” of actors, movies, and music artists;17 PolitiStock, on
which players use “PolitiStock softMoney” to do much the same with politicians;18 and Wall
Street Sports, which targets athletes for similar treatment.19
Thanks to the proverbial distinction between talking and walking, no market limited to
mere play-money can fully duplicate the incentives generated by a market using real money.
The Iowa Electronic Markets (IEM) offers the best example of the latter.20 The IEM offers a
real-money on-line futures market where real-world events, most notably the outcomes of
14 Foresight Exchange Prediction Market, Claim CFsn - Cold Fusion, at http://www.ideosphere.com/fxbin/
Claim?claim=CFsn (last visited Apr. 1, 2002). As of April 1, 2002, CFsn traded at twelve units, indicating a
current consensus that the claim has a twelve percent likelihood of proving true. Id.
15 Foresight Exchange Prediction Market, Claim F_Pres-Female President Before , at
http://www.ideosphere.com/fx-bin/Claim?claim=F_Pres (last visited Apr. 1, 2002). As of April 1, 2002, F_Pres traded
at forty-one units. Id.
16 Foresight Exchange Prediction Market, Claim King - Prince Charles Remains Heir, at
http://www.ideosphere.com/fx-bin/Claim?claim=King (last visited Apr.1, 2002). As of April 1, 2002, King traded at
eighty-three units. Id.
17 Hollywood Stock Exchange, at http://www.hsx.com/ (last visited Jan. 6, 2002). It bears noting, however, that the
value of some items traded on the Hollywood Stock Exchange (such as MovieStocks) relates directly to an objective
measure (such as box-office receipts). See Hollywood Stock Exchange, Glossary, at
http://www.hsx.com/help/glossary/ (last visited Mar. 26, 2002); see also Laura Pedersen-Pietersen, The Hollywood
Stock Market: You Can’t Lose, J. REC. (Okla. City), Jan. 13, 1998, available at 1998 WL 11956867 (“HSX is designing
a system in which its traders can invest real money in film projects. Keiser [one of HSX’s creators] said the idea,
which is geared to cash-hungry independent film producers rather than big studios, will soon be before the SEC for
approval.”).
18 See PolitiStock, The Political Stock Exchange, at http://www.politistock.com/ (last visited Jan. 26, 2002); see also
PolitiStock, PolitiStock FAQ, What is softMoney?, at http://www.politistock.com/about/faq.shtml#whatissoftmoney
(last visited Mar. 26, 2002).
19 See Wall Street Sports, at http://www.wallstreetsports.com/ (last visited Jan. 26, 2002).
20 See IEM, Iowa Electronic Markets, at http://www.biz.uiowa.edu/iem/ (last visited Jan. 26, 2002).
Chapman Law Review [Vol. 4:1
draft v. 2002.04.23 8
political elections, determine contract payoffs.21 Even though the IEM limits accounts to five
hundred dollars,22 it has proven more accurate, on average, than polls in predicting election
results.23
Unfortunately, for all its help as an example of what a market in science claims might
accomplish, the IEM offers little help in clarifying the law generally applicable to real-money
idea futures markets. As discussed below, IEM operates by the grace of a special “no action”
letter issued by the Commodities Futures Trading Commission (CFTC), which states “that as
long as the IEM conforms to certain guidelines, the CFTC will take no action against it.”24 Even
if it wanted similar treatment, a market in science claims could not count on getting it.25 Absent
that one lucid statement by the CFTC, however, and as Part III reveals next, U.S. law does not
speak clearly for or against markets in science claims.
III. The Uncertain Legal Status of Markets in Science Claims
With regard to each area of law discussed in this Part, theory proves more forgiving than
practice. The policy goals that justify banning all but a few carefully circumscribed forms of
gambling and commodity futures trading do not convincingly justify placing identical constraints
21 See IEM, Iowa Electronic Markets, Frequently Asked Questions, at http://www.biz.uiowa.edu/iem/faq.html (last
visited Jan. 7, 2002).
22 See IEM, Iowa Electronic Markets, IEM Basics, Applying for an Account, at
http://www.biz.uiowa.edu/iem/trmanual/IEMManual_1.html (last visited Jan. 26, 2002) [hereinafter IEM, Applying for
an Account].
23 See IEM, Iowa Electronic Markets, Previous Market Performance (Graphs), IEM Accuracy Compared to Polls, at
http://www.biz.uiowa.edu/iem/media/previous.html (last visited Jan. 26, 2002).
24 IEM, Iowa Electronic Markets, Frequently Asked Questions, Is It Legal?, at http://www.biz.uiowa.edu/iem/faq.html
(last visited Jan. 26, 2002) [hereinafter IEM, Is It Legal?].
25 See discussion infra Part III.B.2.
Gambling for the Good, Trading for the Future
draft v. 2002.04.23 9
on a market in science claims. But the laws passed to enforce those policy goals, evidently not
having been written with a science claim market in mind, risk crushing it.
A. Science Claims as Gambling
Although a market in science claims would come close to qualifying as a gaming service,
it would arguably differ from traditional types of gambling on both legal and policy grounds.
The legal question presents the closest shave because answering it requires a somewhat
metaphysical—and therefore uncertain—inquiry into whether chance predominates over skill in
predicting the outcome of scientific disputes. The policy question proves less problematic, since
none of the reasons for outlawing or heavily regulating gaming appear to apply to markets in
science claims. This section discusses each question in turn.
1. Gaming Law
Although gaming remains largely the province of state law,26 which varies from state to
state, the common law generally requires proof of three elements to establish the existence of a
26 Although several federal statutes apply to gambling, they typically rely on state law for substantive definitions. See,
e.g., 18 U.S.C. § 1955(b)(1)(i) (2000) (defining “illegal gambling business” as one in “violation of the law of a State or
political subdivision in which it is conducted”); see also Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO),
id. § 1961(6) (defining “unlawful debt” in part by reference to state gambling laws); Indian Gaming Regulatory Act, 25
U.S.C. § 2703(7)(A)(ii) (1995) (defining “class II gaming” in terms of state law). Other federal statutes assess
criminality based on state gambling laws. See, e.g., Transportation of Gambling Devices Act, 15 U.S.C. § 1172(a)
(1997) (exempting from illegality transport of gambling devices to any state or state subdivision that has legalized the
gambling device in question); Interstate Horseracing Act of 1978, id. § 3002(3) (defining “interstate off-track wager” in
terms of state law); Wire Transfer Act, 18 U.S.C. § 1084(a) (making illegal under federal law the use of interstate
telecommunications facilities for placing wagers illegal in either the sender or recipient’s state); Charity Games
Advertising Clarification Act of 1988, id. § 1301 (excusing from illegality interstate transport of lottery tickets
permitted by authorities of affected states); Racketeering Act, id. § 1953(b) (excusing from illegality interstate
transport of wagering paraphernalia if legal under state law).
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gambling transaction: prize, chance, and consideration.27 The first and third elements would
indisputably apply to a fully functioning market in science claims. With regard to the prize
element, a market participant would profit after having beat others in predicting the outcome of
any particular controversy. Indeed, the prospect of such a prize, together with the bragging
rights that come with it, serves as a vital incentive to draw players, and the information they
bring with them, into the market. With regard to the consideration element, a market participant
would have to buy into one side of a particular claim, via purchase of a “yes” or “no” coupon, in
order to qualify for the prize.
Whether a market in science claims would qualify as a gambling service thus turns on the
second of the three elements: chance. Here, the law grows murky. It cannot be that any element
of chance, when combined with prize and consideration, suffices to create a gambling
transaction; otherwise the most routine sort of business would likewise qualify. Even annuities,
treasury bonds, and certificates of deposit, though they qualify as safe investments, present some
risk of loss. So goes life.28 The question thus becomes: how much chance does it take to qualify
a transaction as gambling?
Authorities generally agree that under U.S. law, gambling arises when chance
predominates over skill or knowledge in determining whether one who has offered consideration
27 Ronald J. Rychlak, The Introduction of Casino Gambling: Public Policy and the Law, 64 MISS. L.J. 291, 294
(1995); Roland J. Santoni, An Introduction to Nebraska Gaming Law, 29 CREIGHTON L. REV. 1123, 1129 (1996); see
also State v. One Hundred & Fifty-Eight Gaming Devices, 499 A.2d 940, 951 (Md. 1985) (describing three elements of
gambling as “consideration, chance and reward”); State v. One ‘Jack and Jill’ Pinball Machine, 224 S.W.2d 854, 860
(Mo. Ct. App. 1949) (“(1) consideration or risk, (2) chance and (3) reward or prize”); Commonwealth v. Two
Electronic Poker Game Machines, 465 A.2d 973, 977 (Pa. 1983) (“consideration, a result determined by chance rather
than skill, and a reward”).
States also criminalize or regulate by statute a wide variety of games of chance. See, e.g., CAL. PENAL CODE §
330b (West 2001) (outlawing slot machines). They do not, however, frown on games of skill as a general matter. See,
e.g., id. § 330b(4) (exempting “predominately games of skill” from scope of statute). No state appears to have
specifically targeted idea futures markets for the same treatment they have given, say, poker.
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draft v. 2002.04.23 11
wins a prize in return.29 It is hard to specify, in the abstract and in general, how a market in
science claims would fare under that test. Participants in a such a market—especially successful
ones—would no doubt aver that they rely far more on talent than chance, and it does seem
plausible that intelligence and education would determine who wins most claims. The notion
that relatively ignorant participants might unwisely rely on luck when trading on the market
would not prove the contrary. As the California Court of Appeals has explained, “It is the
character of the game rather than a particular player’s skill or lack of it that determines whether
the game is one of chance or skill.”30
Nonetheless, the ultimate determination of whether chance predominates over skill or
knowledge would probably depend on the science claim in question—and on the judge or jury
making that determination. Consider the variety of claims currently at play on the Foresight
Exchange, a web-based play-money idea futures market.31 At one extreme fall claims like
NDSen, which asserts that before 2012, there will be a U.S. Senator not affiliated with either the
Democratic or Republican parties,32 and Ms.A, which asserts that before 2006, a woman will
28 For a delightfully philosophical judicial disquisition on the matter, see United States v. McDonald, 59 F. 563, 565-66
(N.D. Ill. 1893).
29 See Johnson v. Phinney, 218 F.2d 303, 306 (5th Cir. 1955) (“With respect to the element of chance, the authorities
are in general agreement that if such element is present and predominates in the determination of a winner, the fact that
players may exercise varying degrees of skill is immaterial; and the game or device is a lottery.”); Opinion of the
Justices, 795 So.2d 630, 635-36 (Ala. 2001) (collecting authorities elucidating the “American Rule,” under which a
scheme is a lottery if chance is the dominant factor in determining the result of the game even if skill or knowledge
plays some role); Finster v. Keller, 96 Cal. Rptr. 241, 246 (Cal. Ct. App. 1971) (“The test is not whether the game
contains an element of chance or an element of skill, but which of them is the dominating factor in determining the
result of the game.”). But see United States v. Rich, 90 F. Supp. 624, 629-30 (E.D. Ill. 1950) (finding bookmaking
scheme not a lottery, gift enterprise, or similar scheme under federal law on grounds, “there is always present
something more than a mere guess and there is nothing which resembles the distribution of prizes by lot”).
30 Finster, 96 Cal. Rptr. at 246.
31 See Foresight Exchange Prediction Market, supra note 12.
32 Foresight Exchange Prediction Market, Claim NDSen - Indie Senator by 2011, at http://www.ideosphere.com/fxbin/
Claim?claim=NDSen (last visited Jan. 26, 2002).
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play in a professional major league sports game.33 Though they hardly pose the same odds as
roulette, winning those kinds of claims will require a significant, and arguably a predominant,
share of luck. At the other extreme fall claims like GBch and Neut.34 GBch asserts that
Goldbach’s Conjecture, which posits that every even number less than three is the sum of two
primes, will be settled by 2021.35 Neut asserts that the “rest mass of the electron neutrino is
greater than 0.01 eV in ordinary space.”36 A mathematician or theoretical physicist could surely
resolve those claims solely by dint of talent.37 Other claims fall at various points along the
spectrum that stretches from pure chance to pure skill. The parties responsible for operating a
real-money idea futures market would face the difficult and somewhat risky job of categorizing
which claims fall on the gambling side of the law.
It thus remains uncomfortably uncertain whether an aggressive prosecutor would allege
that a market in science claims constitutes gambling. Although in recent decades gambling has
won legal status in an increasing number and variety of real-space locales38—albeit under very
heavy regulatory burdens—that fact offers scant solace to an enterprise that almost certainly
33 Foresight Exchange Prediction Market, Claim Ms.A - Woman Major-Leaguer By 1/1/06, at
http://www.ideosphere.com/fx-bin/Claim?claim=Ms.A (last visited Jan. 26, 2002).
34 Foresight Exchange Prediction Market, Claim GBch - Goldbach Conjecture by 2020, at
http://www.ideosphere.com/fx-bin/Claim?claim=GBch (last visited Jan. 29, 2002); Foresight Exchange Prediction
Market, Claim Neut - Neutrino Mass >0, at http://www.ideosphere.com/fx-bin/Claim?claim=Neut (last visited Jan. 21,
2002).
35 Foresight Exchange Prediction Market, Claim GBch - Goldbach Conjecture by 2020, at
http://www.ideosphere.com/fx-bin/Claim?claim=GBch (last visited Jan. 29, 2002).
36 Foresight Exchange Prediction Market, Claim Neut - Neutrino Mass >0, at http://www.ideosphere.com/fxbin/
Claim?claim=Neut (last visited Jan. 26, 2002). Physicists define an eV (electron-volt) as the kinetic energy
acquired by an electron losing one volt of potential. See About, Definition of Electron-Volt, at
http://physics.about.com/library/dict/bldefelectronvolt.htm (last visited Mar. 26, 2002).
37 Indeed, one probably would have done so long ago were a sufficient amount of real money at stake.
Again, it makes no legal difference whether some participants in the market for such claims rely on luck rather
than the expertise of a mathematician or physicist. “It is the character of the game rather than a particular player’s skill
or lack of it that determines whether the game is one of chance or skill.” Finster v. Keller, 96 Cal. Rptr. 241, 246 (Cal.
Ct. App. 1971).
38 Rychlak, supra note 27, at 303 (“As more and more states seek to take advantage of the enormous profits that can be
derived from legalized gambling, new games, locations, and variations have swept across the nation.”).
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draft v. 2002.04.23 13
would have to operate over the Internet were it to operate effectively at all.39 Fortunately, courts,
as a rule, interpret criminal statutes narrowly.40 Regardless, the broad language of statutes that
outlaw gambling and the penalties that they impose41 might well give pause to anyone interested
in operating or entering a market in science claims.
2. Gaming Policy
In contrast, it appears quite plain that a market in science claims, as a matter of policy,
would differ crucially from gambling enterprises. Lawmakers have outlawed or heavily
regulated gambling purportedly because it presents an avoidable risk42 of social harm43 and offers
39 See discussion supra Part II (describing web-based operation of exemplar markets); see also discussion infra Part
III.A.2 (describing the policy concerns that generally fuel suspicion of web-based operations versus real-space locales).
40 See United States v. Lanier, 520 U.S. 259, 266 (1997) (“[T]he canon of strict construction of criminal statutes, or rule
of lenity, ensures fair warning by so resolving ambiguity in a criminal statute as to apply it only to conduct clearly
covered.”). This rule has particular salience in cases presenting entirely new facts to a court, as would be true of a
court analyzing the legality of a market in science claims for the first time. Id. (“[D]ue process bars courts from
applying a novel construction of a criminal statute to conduct that neither the statute nor any prior judicial decision has
fairly disclosed to be within its scope . . . .”).
41 See for example, CAL. PENAL CODE § 337a (West 1999), specifying penalties for:
Every person, . . . [w]ho, whether for gain, hire, reward, or gratuitously, or otherwise, at any time
or place, records, or registers any bet or bets, wager or wagers, upon the result, or purported result,
of any . . . contest, or purported contest, of skill . . . or upon the result, or purported result, of any
lot, chance, casualty, unknown or contingent event whatsoever; or . . . [w]ho lays, makes, offers or
accepts any bet or bets, or wager or wagers, upon the result, or purported result, of any . . . contest,
or purported contest, of skill . . . is punishable by imprisonment in the county jail for a period of
not more than one year or in the state prison.
42 Rychlak, supra note 27, at 298. Early American colonists objected to gambling largely because it represented a
discretionary and wasteful diversion from more important projects. Id.
43 E.g., John Warren Kindt, The Economic Impacts of Legalized Gambling Activities, 43 DRAKE L. REV. 51, 60-70
(1994) (relating evidence of social harm caused by legalized gambling). But see ROGER DUNSTAN, GAMBLING IN
CALIFORNIA IX-12 (1997) (“Any Attempt to Quantify Social Costs is Highly Speculative”); Mike Roberts, The
National Gambling Debate: Two Defining Issues, 18 WHITTIER L. REV. 579, 590-99 (1997) (offering skeptical review
of claims about relationship between gambling and crime); id. at 599-608 (offering skeptical review of claims about
harms suffered by compulsive and underage gamblers).
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draft v. 2002.04.23 14
few if any social benefits in return.44 None of those three blameworthy features appear likely to
attach to markets in science claims.
First, a market in science claims would not create risks solely for the sake of
entertainment; rather, it would aim to quantify unavoidable risks already present in the world. In
other words, whereas a casino manufactures chance, a market in science claims would merely
report it. Second, the dry subject matter and slow pace of a market in science claims seems quite
unlikely to encourage the sort of compulsive or underage gambling that worries critics of the
gaming industry.45 Third, and most important, a market in science claims would offer significant
social benefits. The prices of its claims, because they would quantify current consensus views
about complex and often important scientific issues, would constitute a positive externality
capable of enriching the understanding of interested laypeople, policy makers, and the public at
large.46 Whereas legalized gambling at best diverts us from life’s woes and eases our taxes,47
markets in science claims promise to help us see into the future.
B. Science Claims as Commodity Futures Trading
Several ramifications, most of them somewhat discouraging, would follow if dealing in
science claims qualified as commodity futures trading subject to the Commodity Exchange Act
44 See Kindt, supra note 43, at 51-60 (criticizing claims made on behalf of economic benefits of legalized gambling);
id. at 81-83 (criticizing claims that legalizing gambling captures taxes otherwise lost on illegal gambling activities).
But see DUNSTAN, supra note 43, ch. IX (analyzing economic benefits of legalized gambling, both generally and with
particular regard to California).
45 See Hanson, Could Gambling Save Science?, supra note 8, at 11 (“[S]cience questions are generally too long term to
be a problem, offering no more ‘action’ than long-term stock investments.”).
46 See Hanson, Decision Markets, supra note 8, at 16-17.
47 See GUY CALVERT, GAMBLING AMERICA: BALANCING THE RISKS OF GAMBLING AND ITS REGULATION (Cato Policy
Analysis No. 349, 1999) (describing benefits of gambling). Calvert objects to state gaming monopolies, however, on
grounds that they unfairly and inefficiently shift tax burdens onto gamblers’ shoulders. Id. at 11.
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draft v. 2002.04.23 15
(CEA),48 the federal statute that establishes the authority of the CFTC to regulate such trading.
In that case, the parties who wanted to start a market in science claims would either have to
convince the CFTC that they had surmounted the relevant—and hardly trivial—regulatory
hurdles or that the CFTC should grant them a special exemption from regulation.49 Neither
option would prove easy, and failure to successfully pursue either would cast doubts on the
legality of any science claims market subject to the CEA.50 There remains a third option,
however, that would raise relatively few legal difficulties: instead of creating a freestanding
specialized market, convince an exchange already regulated by the CFTC to start listing science
claims. This section will explore each of those three options in turn. First, though, it must
grapple with the preliminary question of whether dealing in science claims indeed falls within
the scope of the CEA.
1. Do Science Claims Fall Within the Scope of the CEA?
Would the transactions supported by a market in science claims qualify as commodity
futures trading subject to the CEA? Here, as in the discussion of gambling law above, a firm
answer proves elusive. It at least seems safe to say that the intangible nature of science claims
would not alone suffice to remove a market in them from the scope of the CEA. The CEA
48 7 U.S.C. §§ 1-27f (1999).
49 See discussion infra.
50 See, e.g., 7 U.S.C. § 2(a)(1)(A) (granting the CFTC exclusive jurisdiction over “accounts, agreements . . . and
transactions involving contracts of sale of a commodity for future delivery, traded or executed” on markets subject to
CFTC regulation); id. § 6(a) (providing that, absent an exemption by the CFTC, “it shall be unlawful for any person to .
. . [deal] in . . . a contract for the purchase or sale of a commodity for future delivery (other than a contract which is
made on or subject to the rules of a board of trade, exchange, or market located outside the United States, its territories
or possessions) unless” in connection with a CFTC-regulated exchange); id. § 6c(b) (prohibiting transactions in
commodity futures in violation of CFTC regulations).
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defines “commodities” so broadly as to include “all services, rights, and interests in which
contracts for future delivery are presently or in the future dealt in.”51
The CFTC might thus argue that a market in science claims deals in contracts for the
future delivery of rights, each such right embodied in a coupon purchased at a value between $0
and $1 when its associated claim remains unresolved and redeemable at $0 or $1 when the claim
settles.52 The CFTC would arguably err in that characterization, however. A more accurate
account might have it that a market in science claims deals in contracts for the present delivery
of rights, as embodied in coupons redeemable at $1 each in the event a particular claim holds
true.53 To put it more concisely, and no less accurately, a science claim market deals in the spot
purchase and sale of the coupons themselves.
The subtle distinction between those two characterizations makes a significant legal
difference. As both a matter of policy and law, the CEA does not cover contracts that settle with
the delivery of the underlying commodity. The CEA draws the justification for its very existence
from the notion that buying and selling contracts for the future delivery of a commodity, rather
than buying and selling commodities intended for actual delivery, invites dangerous
speculation.54 In essence, “[a] futures contract enables an investor to hedge the risk that the price
of the commodity will change between the date the contract is entered and the date delivery is
due—without having to take physical delivery of the commodity.”55 The CEA does not cover
51 7 U.S.C. § 1a(4) (2001).
52 See discussion supra Part II (describing how decision markets function).
53 One of Robin Hanson’s earliest works on decision markets included, as an illustrative insert, a green coupon payable
in the event a nanocomputer having particular specifications exists by the year 2020. See Hanson, Encouraging an
Honest Consensus, supra note 8.
54 See Lynn A. Stout, Why the Law Hates Speculators: Regulation and Private Ordering in the Market for OTC
Derivatives, 48 DUKE L.J. 701, 721-24 (1999).
55 Commodity Futures Trading Comm’n v. Noble Metals Int’l, Inc., 67 F.3d 766, 772 (9th Cir. 1995); see also Stout,
supra note 54, at 722 (CEA does not apply “to contracts that are intended to be settled by delivering the underlying
good or service.”).
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draft v. 2002.04.23 17
contracts intended to effectuate future delivery, much less contracts that effectuate immediate
delivery.56
Understood as a forum for dealing in claim coupons, therefore, a market in science claims
cannot fall within the scope of the CEA. The market could easily manage to ensure not only the
future delivery of claim coupons in satisfaction of participants’ contractual rights, but also the
instantaneous delivery of them. The market might, for instance, cast coupons in digital form,
encrypt them, and download them immediately to purchasers’ computers.57 “Sell” transactions
would function the same way in reverse, with sellers uploading the encrypted certificate. Better
yet, the market could function as a peer-to-peer network wherein coupons transfer directly to and
from participants’ computers via the Internet, without passing through the market’s servers at all.
If that technological account proves unilluminating, it might help to think of claim
coupons as akin to lottery tickets—albeit tickets for a “lottery” where skill or knowledge
predominates over chance in determining which coupons win58—and the market as a place
where people gather to buy and sell their rights to various jackpots. Notably, the CFTC claims
no jurisdiction over transactions in lottery tickets. Nor could the CFTC distinguish between
these cases by claiming that the odds attributed to a science claim fluctuate, given that a lottery’s
odds may vary with the number of tickets sold.59
Admittedly, this line of argument may sound like the legal equivalent of a programming
hack–a trick designed to fool a system into generating unintended or even unwanted results.
56 7 U.S.C. § 2(a)(1)(A) (specifying that the CFTC has jurisdiction over, in relevant part, “transactions involving
contracts of sale of a commodity for future delivery . . . .”) (emphasis added).
57 Compare the analogous technologies used by such digital cash services as PayPal and Javien. PayPal, at
http://www.paypal.com (last visited Mar. 16, 2002); Javien, at http://www.javien.com (last visited Mar. 29, 2002).
58 See supra Part III.A.1 (explaining legal standard for defining gambling transactions).
59 Lottery services thus often include a disclaimer such as this one from the West Virginia Powerball Gameshow: “The
odds of winning will vary, depending on the number of entries received by the Lottery.” West Virginia Lottery,
Powerball The Game Show, at http://www.state.wv.us/lottery/gameshow.htm (last visited Mar. 16, 2002).
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Courts, like systems administrators, naturally frown on such maneuvering. As the Ninth Circuit
observed, “[S]elf-serving labels that the defendants choose to give their contracts should not
deter the conclusion that their contracts, as a matter of law, [are futures contracts subject to the
CEA].”60 Nonetheless, courts should not read the CEA expansively. The Act specifically
cautions that it shall not be “construed as implying . . . that” transactions specifically excluded
from, exempted from, or otherwise not subject to it “would otherwise be subject to this Act.”61
Suffice it to say that because a market in science claims would neither operate exactly
like nor serve all the same goals as the markets lawmakers evidently had in mind when they
enacted the CEA,62 it remains an open question whether a court would hold that a market in
science claims falls within the scope of that Act. It remains a vital question, too. As the next
subsection illustrates, if markets in science claims do not escape the scope of the Act, they will
almost certainly have to rely on the good will of CFTC regulators to operate within the bounds of
U.S. law.
2. Markets in Science Claims Under the CEA
Suppose for the sake of argument that the sorts of transactions supported by a market in
science claims fall within the scope of the CEA. Thanks to amendments made by the
Commodity Futures Modernization Act of 2000,63 the CEA now includes loopholes that can save
60 Commodity Futures Trading Comm’n, 67 F.3d at 773 (quoting Commodity Futures Trading Comm’n v. Am. Metal
Exch. Corp., 693 F. Supp. 168, 192 (D.N.J. 1988)) (alteration in original) (quotation omitted). In the transaction
critiqued by the court, the defendants claimed they had delivered metal to investors by transferring title to it, even
though the metal remained in a third-party depository. Id. at 772-73. In that case, there existed a tangible commodity
separate from the title. Id. The intangible nature of science claims, in contrast, ensures that the commodity (the right
to payment contingent on a claim’s settlement) effectively merges with the title (the coupon documenting the right).
61 7 U.S.C. § 2(i).
62 See Hanson, Decision Markets, supra note 8, at 18 (“Accepted functions of markets now include entertainment,
capitalization, and hedging, but not information aggregation,” and explaining that information aggregation is the
primary function of an idea futures market.).
63 Pub. L. No. 106-554, 114 Stat. 2763 (2000).
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draft v. 2002.04.23 19
even commodities avowedly within its scope from almost all CFTC regulation. Most
pertinently, the CEA now leaves almost untouched64 transactions in “excluded” commodities
entered into on a principal-to-principal basis by eligible contract participants in an electronic
trading facility.65 Yet the CEA defines the relevant terms so as to make even that, the most
promising loophole, a problematic fit for markets in science claims.
It appears at least plausible that any of the claims associated with the coupons traded on a
market in science claims would qualify as an “excluded commodity” under the CEA,66 whether
as an “index based on . . . values, or levels that are not within the control of any party to the
relevant contract,”67 or as a “contingency . . . that is—(I) beyond the control of the parties . . .
and (II) associated with a financial, commercial, or economic consequence.”68 Granted, that
interpretation stretches the statutory language a bit because it is not clear that the values of
science claims would constitute indexes under the former provision, or that their values would be
associated with the sorts of consequences specified in the latter one.69 But commentators have
already concluded that commodity futures based on weather forecasts—instruments already in
64 7 U.S.C. § 2(d)(2) requires only that excluded electronic trading facilities satisfy the applicable requirements of §§
7a, 7a-1, and 7a-3, which in general call for self-regulatory processes.
65 Id. §§ 2(d)(2), (e)(1); see also CHARLES W. EDWARDS ET AL., COMMODITY FUTURES MODERNIZATION ACT OF 2000:
LAW AND EXPLANATION 26-27 (2001). For the definition of “electronic trading facility,” see 7 U.S.C. § 1a(10).
66 It bears noting that in the rather less likely event that the rights traded on a science claims market qualified as
commodities subject to the CEA, but not as “excluded commodities,” they would certainly qualify as “exempt
commodities” under the Act. See 7 U.S.C. § 1a(14) (“The term ‘exempt commodity’ means a commodity that is not an
excluded commodity or an agricultural commodity.”). Were it found to transact in exempt commodities, a market in
science claims would at best qualify for slightly more stringent regulatory burdens than it would under the least
regulatory approach afforded to excluded commodity electronic trading facilities. Id. § 2(h)(3)-(5); EDWARDS ET AL.,
supra note 65, at 28-29.
67 7 U.S.C. § 1a(13)(iii).
68 Id. § 1a(13)(iv).
69 According to one commentator, excluded commodities also impliedly refer to non-finite processes, Louis Vitale,
Comment: Interest Rate Swaps Under the Commodity Exchange Act, 51 CASE W. RES. L. REV. 539, 587 (2001),
whereas the claims on a science market, because they would include judging deadlines, would resolve in a finite
period.
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trade70 and not far removed from the sorts of claims in which a science claims market would
traffic—fit the CEA definition.71 Furthermore, CFTC regulations themselves interpret the Act in
terms broad enough to include science claims, explaining that commodities have:
(i) A nearly inexhaustible deliverable supply;
(ii) A deliverable supply that is sufficiently large that the contract is highly unlikely to
be susceptible to the threat of manipulation; or
(iii) No cash market.72
The first two criteria arguably hold true of a science market claim because there exists no
theoretical limit to the number of opposing true/false assessments that might attach to any
particular claim.73 The first two criteria notwithstanding, the third criterion seems sufficient to
bring science claims under the rubric of the CEA because claim coupons are not the sort of thing
you can generally buy and sell on the open market.
A market in science claims would have to satisfy still other statutory definitions,
however, before it could qualify for the loophole that allows certain transactions in excluded
commodities to largely escape CFTC regulation. What about those other terms of art? The CEA
does not define “principal-to-principal,”74 though common sense and common law would
indicate that most transactions on a market in science claims would, or by market rules easily
could, qualify as such because a typical participant—a professional scientist or educated lay
70 See, e.g., Neela Banerjee, When Bad Weather is Good Business, N.Y. TIMES, Aug. 13, 2000, § 3, at 4, available at
2000 WL 25031051 (interviewing Ravi Nathan, portfolio manager of weather derivatives at Aquila Energy, regarding
nature and uses of weather derivatives); Chicago Mercantile Exchange, Weather Products, at
http://www.cme.com/products/index/weather/products_index_weather.cfm (last visited Jan. 9. 2002) (discussing
weather-based futures traded on the exchange).
71 EDWARDS ET AL., supra note 65, at 26.
72 17 C.F.R. § 37.3(a)(1) (2002); see also id. (5) (specifying that commodities meeting those criteria qualify as
“excluded commodities”).
73 See Hanson, Could Gambling Save Science?, supra note 8, at 16-18; Hanson, Vote on Values, supra note 8, at 22-24
(discussing why idea futures markets resist manipulation).
74 EDWARDS ET AL., supra note 65, at 27.
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draft v. 2002.04.23 21
person—would play the market on his or her own behalf. A market in science claims would also
easily qualify as an “electronic trading facility” as defined by the Act.75
The problem arises with the definition of “eligible contract participants, ” a label that the
CEA generally reserves for financial institutions, financial professionals, or individuals having at
least five million dollars in assets.76 That describes very few scientists or educated lay people,
yet the success of any market in science claims would rely on their participation. The definition
of “eligible contract participants” thus effectively closes the regulatory loophole most promising
for markets in science claims. To put it more precisely, and to introduce the second means of
escaping CFTC regulation of commodity futures falling within the CEA's scope, no scientist or
educated lay person would qualify as an eligible contact participant unless the CFTC specially
judged him or her “eligible in light of the financial or other qualifications of the person.”77 The
CFTC would no doubt have wide discretion in making such a judgment.78
More generally, the CFTC might allow a market subject to its jurisdiction to engage in
futures trading by specially excusing that market from regulation.79 Unlikely though that option
may sound, the CFTC has in fact established something of a precedent for liberating idea futures
markets from its oversight. The only real-money idea futures market operating within the reach
of U.S. law, the Iowa Electronic Market, operates by the grace of a no-action letter received from
75 7 U.S.C. § 1a(10) (2001).
76 Id. § 1a(12).
77 Id. § 1a(12)(C).
78 See Chevron, U.S.A., Inc. v. Natural Res. Def. Council, Inc., 467 U.S. 837, 843-44 (1984) (holding that an agency’s
interpretation of an ambiguous statute will have controlling weight unless manifestly unreasonable).
79 7 U.S.C. § 6(c) (allowing the CFTC to exempt a class of transactions from its regulations on a finding that it would
serve the public interest). But see id. § 6(c)(2)(B)(i) (allowing such exemption only for transactions between
“appropriate persons”); id. § 6(c)(3) (defining “appropriate persons” largely to include only financial institutions and
professionals). Only one loophole arguably allows the CFTC to exempt from its regulations the sort of science claims
market described herein. Id. § 6(c)(3)(K) (including “other persons that the Commission determines to be appropriate
in light of their financial or other qualifications, or the applicability of appropriate regulatory protections”).
Chapman Law Review [Vol. 4:1
draft v. 2002.04.23 22
the CFTC.80 That letter not only saves the IEM from the running the gantlet of CFTC
regulations but also, thanks to the preemptive force of federal regulation, arguably81 saves the
IEM from liability under state gambling or bucket-shop laws82 that would potentially interfere
with the CFTC’s regulatory authority.83 To win such benefits, however, the IEM had to make a
concession: no individual’s account can exceed five hundred dollars.84
Even if the CFTC were willing to issue another such no-action letter, no market in
science claims could accept a five hundred dollars per account cap without losing some of its
functionality. If the CFTC were willing to impose a less restrictive account limit--high enough,
say, to fund a comfortable living for a renegade but ultimately correct scientist--a market in
science claims might still fulfill much of its promise, of course.85 If the CFTC were furthermore
willing to forego blunt account caps for the more traditional and subtle tools of position limits
80 IEM, Is It Legal?, supra note 24 (“The CFTC has issued a ‘no-action’ letter to the IEM, stating that as long as the
IEM conforms to certain guidelines, the CFTC will take no action against it.”).
81 In fact, neither the CFTC nor the IEM expressly claims that the no-action letter preempts state law, and the precise
legal question appears to remain unresolved. Practically speaking, though, state prosecutors and regulators have left
the IEM in peace.
82 See Kevin T. Van Wart, Preemption and the Commodity Exchange Act, 58 CHI.-KENT. L. REV. 657, 659 n.15 (1982)
(“The term ‘bucket shop’ refers to firms that offer customers the opportunity to bet on changes in futures market prices
without actually entering into futures transactions on the contract market.”).
83 See Am. Agric. Movement, Inc. v. Board of Trade, 977 F.2d 1147, 1157 (7th Cir. 1992) (“State laws specifically
directed towards the futures markets naturally operate in an arena preempted by the CEA.”); Rasmussen v. Thomson &
McKinnon Auchincloss Kohlmeyer, Inc., 608 F.2d 175, 178 (5th Cir. 1979) (“[T]he Commodity Exchange Act
preempts all state laws inconsistent with its provisions.”); Thomas Lee Hazen, Rational Investments, Speculation, or
Gambling?–Derivative Securities and Financial Futures and Their Effect on the Underlying Capital Markets, 86 NW.
U.L. REV. 987, 1013-17 (1992); Van Wart, supra note 82, at 720 (“Congress has vested solely in the CFTC both
authority to determine whether to designate a contract market for a proposed future, and exclusive jurisdiction for the
regulation of such markets after their designation.”); id. at 662-63 (discussing how, before the advent of federal
preemption, states’ “bucket shop” laws restricted the operation of futures markets).
For a preemption provision only very recently added to the CEA, and especially suitable for a science claims
market capable of benefiting from the “excluded commodity” loophole, discussed supra, see 7 U.S.C. § 16(e)(2) (“This
Act shall supersede and preempt the application of any State or local law that prohibits or regulates gaming or the
operation of bucket shops (other than antifraud provisions of general applicability) in the case of . . . an agreement,
contract, or transaction that is excluded from this Act . . . .”) (citation omitted).
84 See IEM, Applying for an Account, supra note 22 (“The minimum investment for U.S. Dollar denominated accounts
is $5.00 and the maximum is $500 per account. Investments may be increased at any time, provided they do not
exceed the maximum $500 limit . . . .”).
Gambling for the Good, Trading for the Future
draft v. 2002.04.23 23
(which restrict the size of any trader’s stake in a particular contract),86 or trading limits (which
restrict the size of particular transactions),87 a market in science claims might operate still more
effectively. Thanks to the Chevron doctrine88 and the CEA’s broad language about such
matters,89 however, the CFTC would have near-absolute discretion to give a market in science
claims as little leeway as it gave to the IEM—or even less.
In summary, a freestanding market in science futures would face several options, each
legally uncertain and none without risk, for accommodating U.S. commodity futures regulations.
First, proponents of a market in science futures might successfully argue that it does not engage
in commodity futures trading, at least not the kind covered by the CEA. In that event, the market
would not win CEA’s protective preemption of state laws, such as those criminalizing or
regulating gambling. Second, should a market in science claims find itself subject to the CEA, it
could attempt to qualify for the “excluded commodity” loophole that would largely free it from
CFTC regulation. It looks highly probable, however, that the CFTC would have wide discretion
to thwart any such attempt. At the least, to judge from precedent, the CFTC would probably not
exclude a market in science claims from its regulations without also imposing crippling
conditions. That makes the third option—seeking a no-action letter from the CFTC—similarly
unattractive.
85 Its hedging functions might suffer, however. If account limits were set at one hundred thousand dollars, for instance,
an insurer could hardly buy claims payable in the event of global warming as a hedge against the losses caused by
rising sea levels.
86 See 7 U.S.C. § 6(a).
87 Id.
88 See Chevron, U.S.A., Inc. v. Natural Res. Def. Council, Inc., 467 U.S. 837, 843-44 (1984) (holding that an agency’s
interpretation of an ambiguous statute will have controlling weight unless manifestly unreasonable).
Chapman Law Review [Vol. 4:1
draft v. 2002.04.23 24
3. Listing Science Claims on an Existing Market
Although markets in science claims may very well have trouble meeting the CEA’s
requirements if they fall within the scope of that Act, science claims themselves might not face
the same difficulty. The claims would have to find a new home, however, on a market already
approved by the CFTC. Of the five types of exchanges defined by the CEA,90 registered
derivatives transaction execution facilities (DTEFs)91 appear most suitable for hosting science
claims.
The Commodity Futures Modernization Act of 2000 recently amended the CEA to give
trading facilities broad discretion in the types of claims they issue.92 Essentially, when a DTEF
submits a new contract for approval,93 the regulations deem the contract approved unless the
CFTC objects to it as not conforming to CEA standards.94 What standards would the CEA apply
to such contracts? The same standards (among others) already applied above95 in explaining why
science claims qualify as “excluded commodities”: the underlying commodity may have a
nearly inexhaustible deliverable supply, a supply so large as to render the contract highly
resistant to manipulation, or no cash market.96 The Act also separately provides that DTEFs can
89 See 7 U.S.C. § 6(c)(1) (“In order to promote responsible economic or financial innovation and fair competition, the
Commission . . . may . . . exempt any agreement, contract, or transaction (or class thereof)” from most of the
requirements of the CEA.).
90 EDWARDS ET AL., supra note 65, at 21.
91 7 U.S.C. § 7a (establishing DTEFs); see also EDWARDS ET AL., supra note 65, at 31-33 (discussing DTEFs). In
general terms, because DTEFs host trading only in contracts that resist manipulation, they operate under comparatively
little CFTC oversight.
92 See EDWARDS, ET AL., supra note 65, at 21.
93 A “contract” in this context represents the very thing traded on the DTEF: a contract for the payment of a particular
sum contingent on a particular condition. It should thus call to mind the coupons traded on a market in science claims.
94 See 7 U.S.C. § 7a-2(c)-(d); 17 C.F.R. § 40.3 (2001).
95 See discussion supra Part III.B.2.
96 7 U.S.C. § 7a(b) (describing requirements for contracts traded on a DTEFs).
Gambling for the Good, Trading for the Future
draft v. 2002.04.23 25
elect to transact in excluded commodities.97 It thus looks likely that DTEFs could support
trading in science claims.
This is not to say that most people would be able to participate directly in science claims
hosted on DTEFs. Direct participants would in general have to qualify as “eligible traders,” a
term that would fit very few of the people from whom a market in science claims would need
input in order to fulfill its potential.98 By working through a futures commission merchant,
however, professional scientists and educated lay people could indirectly win access to science
claims trading on a DTEF.99
Would a DTEF have any interest in issuing science claims? Such markets exist100 to
make money, after all, and it does not appear extraordinarily likely that the transaction fees
charged for trading in science claims would generate a great deal of revenue.101 Still, it might
generate enough positive public relations to justify some costs, and benefactors interested in
promoting science claims might help out as well. Here, as with regard to markets generally, we
can only guess what services parties would find worth their while to sell.
97 Id. § (g).
98 Id. § (b)(3); see also id. § 1a(12) (defining “eligible contract participant”).
99 Id. § 7a(b)(3)(B); see also id. § 1a(20) (defining “futures commission merchant”). Relying on agents such as futures
commission merchants would plainly disqualify a science claims market from the loophole discussed, supra, in Part
III.B.2, as that loophole requires principal-to-principal transactions.
100 Or, more precisely, would exist; at present, no DTEFs exist. CFTC.gov, Table of Registered DTEFs, at
http://www.cftc.gov/dea/deadtefs_table.htm (last visited Jan. 25, 2002).
Chapman Law Review [Vol. 4:1
draft v. 2002.04.23 26
IV. Alternatives to Fully Public and Legal Science Markets
As the above analysis suggests, it will not be easy for a market in science claims to win
clearly legal status under U.S. law. No discussion of the legality of such markets would be
complete, however, without at least a brief mention of a few more subtle, if sometimes less legal,
approaches to the problem. This Part considers three such strategies, each having a lower costto-
risk ratio than the next.
At the high end of the cost-to-risk spectrum falls the strategy of keeping a science claims
market wholly in-house, open only to the members of a commercial firm. Hewlett-Packard, for
instance, has found that internal idea futures markets consistently beat official forecasts at
predicting printer sales.102 Siemens has experimented with similar markets,103 and the
Department of Defense has invited proposals for the development of limited-access futures
markets for its use.104 The law appears to regard such markets as purely private affairs, not
subject to the regulatory burdens that might attach if the public could participate in them.105
They thus pose little legal risk. A market in science claims would probably not achieve its
potential unless it were open to a very large variety and number of participants, however, and to
try to bring them all within the bounds of a private firm would probably not prove cost-effective.
101 Markets in science claims appear unlikely, after all, to generate the sort of trading volume generated by for-profit
commodities futures markets.
102 Hanson, Vote on Values, supra note 8, at 11.
103 Hanson, Decision Markets, supra note 8, at 19.
104 See Small Business Innovation Research, Department of Defense, Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency
Submission of Proposals, DARPA SB012-012: Electronic Market-Based Decision Support, at
http://www.acq.osd.mil/sadbu/sbir/solicitations/sbir012/pdf/darpa012.pdf (last modified Apr. 30, 2001) (requesting
submissions for proposals to “[d]evelop electronic market-based methods and software for decision analysis, to
aggregate information and opinions from groups of experts,” and to identify “a group of knowledgeable market
participants . . . .”).
10

A contract on Saddam

Another nice article from Money magazine:

A contract on Saddam
Think the Iraqi leader's future isn't bright? Have we got an “investment” for you.
January 17, 2003: 6:27 PM EST
By Justin Lahart, CNN/Money Staff Writer

http://money.cnn.com/2003/01/14/markets/saddam/index.htm

NEW YORK (CNN/Money) – Stocks didn't take kindly to news Thursday that U.N. weapons inspectors in Iraq had found empty chemical warheads in “excellent condition.”

The market, which had traded in the green for much of the morning slipped decidedly into the red in the afternoon as investors worried about the possibility of impending war.

But other markets showed an opposite reaction to the news. Gold, a traditional safe haven during times of trouble, rose to its highest level in six years. Oil rose to its best level on the New York Mercantile Exchange since Nov. 2000. And Saddam futures for March delivery, which had been posting declines in recent sessions, spiked nearly 50 percent higher, to 44 from 30.

Yes, Saddam futures — a futures contract based on the notion that the Iraqi leader doesn't have much of one. You think Saddam Hussein will be out as his country's president by Mar. 31, you can buy a March contract. If you think he'll hang on a bit longer, you can buy the pricier June contract.

Administered by Dublin-based Tradesports.com, the Saddam contracts are one of the latest entries in the growing market for all-or-nothing futures, in which, through the trading of contracts, participants place odds on the chances of an event happening. The only restriction is that an event's outcome be quantifiable and that there be enough interest to make a market. Will John Kerry be the Democratic nominee for President, will “Chicago” win an Oscar, will the U.S. unemployment rate rise above 7 percent by year end — all are contracts that are being traded.
Future's so bright…

Founded by former traders on the New York and London exchanges, TradeSports' primary concern, as the name implies, is trading on the outcome of sports events.

“The simple idea was: What do people talk about when the markets are quiet?” says CEO John Delaney. “Respectfully, it's sports and women. Now, you can't trade women, but could you trade sport?”

Indeed you could, through futures contracts that trade between zero and 100 (cents, dollars, euros, whatever), paying off 100 if an event comes to pass, zero if it doesn't. Traders who think the event will happen buy, those who don't sell, and the price they agree on gives you the percentage odds the market as a whole is giving for the event to happen. Unlike a bookmaker, which tries to make money by fixing the odds so it will come out ahead, TradeSports makes its money through trading fees, just as traders in more traditional markets do. (Yes, it's legal.)

Since its primary clients are traders, TradeSports started offering futures based on other events that were close to Wall Streeters' hearts, like the daily close on the Dow and economics. In the early fall, as the U.S. rhetoric on Iraq heated up, the company came up with the Saddam contract.

Now some might argue that such futures contracts don't constitute investing, but betting. What's the difference? If Johnny Punchclock goes down to the OTB and puts a tenner on Winthrop's Pride to win the Kentucky Derby, that's betting. If Winthrop Thaddeus Biddle Watson III buys a promising young colt with hopes that it will one day win the Derby, giving him back all the money he's spent, and more, on stud fees? That's investing.

Bet or investment, a day may be coming when investors and businesses use such contracts as a hedging mechanism. Let's say you had bought oil for June delivery on the view that a pick-up in global demand is going to keep prices high, war or no war. You might worry that a quick resolution in Iraq would prompt a psychological shift in the energy market and that, despite the fundamental factors you think are in place, oil prices could turn sharply lower. To help protect yourself against this outcome, you could buy the Saddam futures as insurance.
Crystal balls

Such futures exchanges are also good for predicting event outcomes. There's an old experiment where people try to guess how many jelly beans there are in a jar. Typically, none of their answers are particularly accurate — but take the mean of all their answers and you'll be much closer to the mark. Moreover, with very little lag time between when something happens and when prices move in reaction to it, markets provide an extremely efficient method of passing on information.

This was born out by early research by California Institute of Technology professor Charles Plott, whose work was later expanded on by a group of University of Iowa professors who started a futures exchange in 1988 called the Iowa Electronic Markets. It's best known for its political futures markets, which are widely watched by Washington types and have given good reads (despite occasional attempts at manipulation by some candidates' backers) on election odds.

One reason the Electronic Markets work well, explains Iowa associate professor of marketing Tom Gruca, is that it is a cash market. “Our markets represent the best guess of informed people who are willing to back up what they think with an investment,” says Gruca.

The Electronic Markets don't, for example, have nearly as many participants as the Hollywood Stock Exchange, an Internet site where people play money on how they think movie box office receipts will do. More participants should make for a more predictive market, but in fact when the Electronic Markets has offered movie contracts its been as accurate at predicting domestic box as the Hollywood Stock Exchange.

Along the same line, TradeSports' Delaney notes that in the fall, the December Saddam contract (which expired worthless at the end of last month) didn't give nearly the same odds of an early exit than a CNN poll given during the period suggested. “There was a huge divergence,” he says. “Very often people will say what they think they should. When real money is at stake, that's something different.”

By some lights, however, putting money on the Saddam contract is like trying to win at 3-card monte. The problem: There could be market participants (U.N. inspectors, Saudi diplomats, Navy SEALs) that have significantly more information than everybody else. Futures markets may be a swell way of transmitting information, but if you're the last one to hear, you could be left holding the bag. This information asymmetry makes Arnhold & S. Bleichroeder economist James Padinha (who probably spends more time in Las Vegas than is healthy) unwilling to participate.

“I would rather bet on something like 'Joe Millionaire,'” he says. “I just put money on Eminem's movie to win Best Picture, 26-to-1. Who wants to see a Meryl Streep movie ever win again? 'About Schmidt'? Give me a break.” Top of page

Money, Money, Money!

More shameless self-promotion:

The February, 2003 edition of Money magazine devoted a four page spread to Marketocracy. Wahoo!

The Ultimate Mutual Fund Guide 2003
Is This Any Way To Run A Mutual Fund? ; Ken Kam used to manage a high-flying tech fund. Now, at Marketocracy, he lets regular folks compete for the right to run money. It's an odd idea, but so far it seems to be working.
Amy Feldman

02/01/2003
Money Magazine
Time Inc.
90
(Copyright 2003)

Ken Kam is either very smart or very crazy. The onetime fund manager believes, with an almost religious zeal, that the current way of managing a mutual fund is wrong. Instead of hiring smart young people with degrees in finance or business and teaching them how to analyze stocks, Kam thinks fund companies should draw their managers from the ranks of croupiers, actuaries, unemployed geologists and anyone else who might have a knack for picking stocks. This is no theoretical discussion: With a few million dollars of his own money and backing from venture capitalists, Kam has founded a firm called Marketocracy to see whether his novel idea can turn the fund industry on its head.

For the past 2 1/2 years, Kam has been tracking the results of 65,000 virtual funds set up on the Internet by average Joes. And for the past 14 months, he has been operating a real mutual fund–the Marketocracy Masters 100–which consists of all the stocks in the top 100 virtual funds. From its inception through Dec. 27, 2002, the fund, with assets of $17 million spread over 1,000 stocks, is beating the market by a wide margin, losing 2% vs. the S&P 500's 21% drop.

Is Kam onto something? Let's state this flat out: It's far too soon to know whether his system is anything more than the latest fund gimmick. One year's results are not meaningful. Morningstar has not rated Masters 100. And institutional investors have yet to invest a cent. But Kam and his concept are definitely worth watching.

KAM'S QUEST

It's a rainy Monday in December in the Silicon Valley suburb of Los Gatos, Calif., where Kam and his execs have set up shop. Kam, a tall and affable 42-year-old, is in full sales mode, pulling out color-coded graphs to illustrate the potential of his idea. One shows the Masters 100 fund outpacing the market through mid- December by 14 percentage points with half the risk (as defined by beta, a measure that compares a portfolio's volatility with the market's). Another details the elaborate methodology that Kam uses to choose the investors who pilot his fund.

That methodology is what makes this project so intriguing. Kam is convinced that there are great stock pickers in all walks of life. The trick is to find them–and he has developed a painstaking process for doing that, which we describe below. Kam also believes that different people will do better in different market environments. So rather than rely on a static group of stock pickers, as an ordinary fund would, he does a new ranking every month to determine who will “manage” the fund; usually, about 10 of the virtual funds are replaced. Kam is convinced that he has found a better way to run money, one that could alter the basic risk/reward equation and improve the odds for investors. “This could change people's thinking about the way the mutual fund industry should be organized,” he says.

Indeed, Kam's boosters say his approach has implications for the industry as profound as anything since the 1976 advent of the index fund. “It is one of the most interesting experiments I have seen,” says Hersh Shefrin, a professor of finance at Santa Clara University and author of Beyond Greed and Fear, who joined Marketocracy's advisory board. “Don't underestimate the difficulty of filtering the skill component. But Ken has put together a business design that gives us an extremely fine mesh for doing so, and the odds of filtering out skill based on a mesh that fine rise substantially.”

FAR, FAR FROM WALL STREET

When you know Kam's life story, it's easy to understand why he would be obsessed with an unconventional approach to money management. Asked about his influences, Kam cites his grandfather, a longtime pineapple picker who became a successful entrepreneur in Hawaii. The elder Kam opened a Chinese candy store across the street from a movie theater–a smart move, since in those days moviegoers could not get sodas and sweets inside. Kam worked in the shop every day after school from age six until he left the island. “I think I learned more about business from my grandfather than from business school,” he says.

While Kam plays down his own drive, friends describe him as ambitious, hard working and very focused. In high school, he joined Junior Achievement, an afterschool program that teaches teens entrepreneurial skills, and won a partial college scholarship in its national competition. At Santa Clara University in California, Kam was elected student body president and came up with ideas that helped to straighten out the student body's finances, recalls Father William Rewak, then the school's president, who worked closely with him.

After college he found work at Chevron, consulting firm Marakon and medical device maker Novoste Puerto Rico. He got an M.B.A. from Stanford in 1986 and gained money to fund new businesses from the 1993 sale of Novoste, of which he was a part owner.

Kam's first attempts to enter the money-management business ended with his being rebuffed by several firms because, he says, his career path didn't fit the standard mold. His transition to fund manager started with an investment club called the Winners Circle that he set up with his buddy Kevin Landis. He and Landis subsequently launched Firsthand Funds to capitalize on their direct knowledge of medical devices and semiconductors. The new fund shop stormed onto the scene in 1994 and, while tech was hot, took off on one of the industry's longest winning streaks.

As money poured into Firsthand, Kam wondered how the firm would find enough talented people to invest it all. He tried asking job candidates to bring in their own brokerage statements but couldn't figure out how to tell if they were showing him only their best accounts. He wanted to try a radical way of opening up the field to those with unconventional backgrounds–to people more like himself. In September 1999, unable to persuade his partners to go for his idea, Kam left to do it himself. (Landis stayed at Firsthand picking tech stocks, but that's another story.) As Kam says today, “We had a big disagreement over the direction of the firm. Even friends have disagreements.”

THE SCIENCE OF STOCK PICKING

At the time that Kam launched Marketocracy in July 2000, there were already at least two mutual funds trying to use the Internet to tap the wisdom of the masses. The StockJungle Community Intelligence Fund (now defunct) and IPS iFund (down 36% this year) were buying stocks suggested by ordinary people. But Kam had grander ambitions than running a stock popularity contest. He teamed up with Bruce Horn, a Ph.D. software developer who helped create the Apple Macintosh, to hunt for gifted stock pickers. They lured individuals with the chance to run their own virtual funds. Anyone could sign up for free (at www.marketocracy.com) and set up as many as 10 portfolios, each of which would start out with $1 million in play money. Virtual managers had to play by real rules on diversification (no more than 25% of assets in one stock and at least half of the assets in positions of 5% or less) and were charged hypothetical commissions (5[cents] a share) on trades. No shorting. No commodities. No obscure foreign stocks. Funds that did well would be rewarded with fake cash inflows, while those whose performance lagged would see outflows. Each fund's net asset value would start at $10 and be recalculated daily.

Kam says he had hoped for 5,000 responses but was deluged with people who wanted to play. Marketocracy now has 54,000 members running 65,000 funds, and it's adding 150 newcomers a week. As all those real people plugged away at fake trades, Kam got what he wanted: a treasure trove of data. With Horn, he analyzed it exhaustively, looking for the precise combination of factors that would produce the best results over time. For example, he found that a fund would perform better using the top 100 virtual portfolios, not the top 10 or 250. He learned that ranking the virtual portfolios on the basis of the previous 12 months' returns was effective and that re-ranking them once a month was ideal. He later adjusted each portfolio's performance using software that filtered out the effects of market movements and the managers' sector and style biases–and found that the top 100 portfolios based on adjusted data did better than the top 100 based on raw figures.

On Nov. 5, 2001, Kam launched the Masters 100 fund, filling the portfolio with the picks of the top 100 virtual funds. The virtual fund managers are all free to make simulated trades in their own portfolios when they wish. Each day, a computer spits out a spreadsheet that shows the updated holdings in the aggregate virtual portfolio and compares it with the real fund's holdings. Then Kam and his trader simply make the trades necessary to align the real- life portfolio with the virtual one.

CHEFS, CROUPIERS AND NURSES

Here's what the top 100 funds looked like in December. They were run by 88 men and one woman. Seventy-four of the managers were from the U.S. (representing 30 states) and 15 from other countries (Australia, Canada, France, Luxembourg, Switzerland and Thailand). Their median age was 38. Kam originally thought the best stock pickers would be people like himself: nonfinancial types with special insight into their own industries. But the largest chunk of top managers had financial or stock market-related jobs. The others ran the gamut: attorney, chef, croupier, engraver, geologist, inventory auditor, journalist, nurse, stone cutter, student and unemployed. When I spoke with nine of them–including a New York City psychiatry resident, a copy editor for Antiwar.com and a radio network executive who does technical analysis–there were few common threads, except that not one has personally invested in the Masters 100 fund. Some didn't even believe in the concept of mutual funds.

ANALYZE THAT

This multifarious group of people has produced a truly eclectic portfolio. It's diversified across industries, with heavy doses of basic-materials and consumer stocks. At a time when small-cap value stocks have been hot, it has a small-cap value feel: its average market cap is under $500 million (vs. the S&P 500's $16 billion) and its price/earnings ratio is 6 vs. the market's 19. Among the top 10 holdings at the end of November, gold stocks predominated–a sector that soared in the latter part of 2002.

So has Kam really developed a system for identifying gifted money managers? Or is something else behind the fund's apparent success? Perhaps continuous analysis of the massive amounts of performance data generated by 65,000 virtual portfolios has allowed Marketocracy to ride market trends before they become apparent. Or perhaps the fund is essentially using a momentum strategy, jumping on hot stocks and sectors and bailing as soon as they start to flag.

In any case, it's simply not possible to draw firm conclusions from such a short spurt. For starters, you'd want at least three years of returns (the fund won't turn three until November 2004). And it's easy to imagine all sorts of things that could foul things up before then. If the fund's assets continue to expand, moving in and out of stocks could get more difficult. Also, it remains to be seen how well the system works if the market abruptly changes direction or does something entirely unexpected. One need only think back to the implosion of Long-Term Capital Management to be reminded that the history of investing is filled with smart people whose elaborate strategies were undone by the unforeseen.

Some outside observers scoff at the entire undertaking. “It's a mobocracy,” sneers Roy Weitz, who runs the FundAlarm website. “It looks like a bizarre index made up of amateur picks.” But others are not so quick to dismiss Kam's creation. “The key is the broadness of the data and their ability to cull out with quantitative methods what is working and what is not,” says Fred Weiss, a pension adviser with Madison Portfolio Consultants, who recently heard Kam speak at an industry gathering and has since been trying to make sense of the fund's workings. “I think he has captured something that has some persistence. Exactly what he's got, I'm still trying to get my hands around.”

DRIVEN BY DATA

In hours of conversation with Ken Kam, at the offices and over crab-and-cheese sandwiches and coffee at a local restaurant, it's clear to me that he's smart and that he's spent a lot of time thinking about this concept. He could have kicked back after Firsthand and done something easier, and you can't help but respect him for choosing to do something hard. “There's no way to shortcut this,” he says. “We just have to run it for some more time.”

Kam's ultimate goal is to have a series of funds run by computer- selected investors. Each would be based on different ways of slicing and dicing the data. He's looking at a Masters 5 fund, where the top five investors would pick stocks, or a Masters 10 fund, limited to the top 10–but he believes he needs much more data for both. He's considering sector funds and funds that would fall into each of the nine mutual fund style boxes as defined by Morningstar. He's even considering using the data from the worst pickers to short stocks. He'd like to open at least one new fund in 2003. “Every year that goes by, we will have more data and more knowledge about how to use it,” Kam says. “We're going to let data drive the decisions.”

But for now, even the Masters 100 fund is just a big experiment. And for investors, the fees–1.95% vs. an average of 1.26% for U.S. equity funds–make it an expensive one.

If Kam is right, Marketocracy could become to mutual funds what eBay is to retailing: a radically different way to run a stodgy business. If he's wrong, there is no shortage of fascinating but ultimately flawed investing ideas that it could join in the graveyard. Whichever turns out to be true, I, for one, can't wait to see what this massive database will show about how investors pick stocks and whether they can do so with anything close to true skill.

top amateur

Kevin Fravel is one of Marketocracy's champs. His virtual fund, up 127% since its inception in August 2000, is currently ranked No. 2. You could consider Fravel, a 34-year-old unemployed computer programmer from suburban Philadelphia, a fluke. “I started it just to have fun and to teach myself to be a better investor,” says Fravel. When he opened his virtual fund, Fravel put 10% of the assets in each of five picks.

One of his favorites that subsequently soared was a little drug firm called Bradley Pharmaceuticals that makes tar shampoo and prescription vitamins. That pick, plus bets on a number of home builders, have been good for Fravel's personal finances too: His own portfolio consists of many of the same stocks in his virtual fund. In the working world, he's been less successful. Out of a job for seven months, Fravel says he's considering teaching math or working for the government.

Ultimately, Fravel hopes he'll be hired by Marketocracy to run his own fund. “It's just a hobby,” he says, “but one that I take very seriously.”

pro player

Christian Straessle is one of the few professional investors playing the Marketocracy game, and he's got two virtual funds in the Masters 100. The 30-year-old runs institutional money for ValueFocus Equity Management in Wil, Switzerland. Straessle says he uses the same value strategy for his online picks at Marketocracy and his real portfolios, and rarely trades. His favorites include restaurant chain Applebee's International and Ross Stores, a cut-rate apparel retailer.

Why play the game against amateurs? “My colleagues say, 'I don't want to compete with these nonprofessionals.' It can look very bad if you deliver bad performance,” says Straessle. “I like the competition. I want to show that I can manage portfolios, virtual and real.”

Krugman on Krugman

I rarely agree with Mr. Krugman's analysis or proscriptions, but this is amusing (via memepool:

YOUR QUESTIONS ANSWERED (1/10/03)

Oh, what a lovely world. A correspondent alerted me to the following query from “drstrangelove-ga” at Google answers:

“I would like to acquire as much information as possible about the
personal and professional life of Paul Krugman, the Princeton
economics professor who writes a column for the New York Times. For
example, it is publicly known that he was a paid consultant to Enron
– what other consulting, advisory or employment arragements has he
had with other companies or organizations? What is known about his
family — who were his parents, other relatives; is he married,
children? What is his lifestyle like — what is is compensation at the
New York Times (salary, options, bonus, whatever) and at Princeton
(salary, retirement, whatever). How about royalties from books,
speaking engagements, and so on? What kind of house does he live in?
What kind of car does he drive? Is anything known about his personal
life (hobbies, sports, sexual orientation, etc)? How about his career
– he's taught at quite a few colleges, why has he moved around so
much? Were there any problems? I will pay $100 for this as a starting
point, and if satisfied, will tip generously and may ask follow-up
questions for which I will pay also (but don't play Scheherezade on
me, now).”

Poor drstrangelove. He (she?) doesn't realize that friends of the administration must have already looked into all of this. Read Lou Dubose's new book “Boy Genius”, about Karl Rove, and you'll realize that if there was something there they would have used it. In fact, they would have invented something if they thought it would stick. But to save drstrangelove additional trouble and money, here are the answers:

Corrupt consulting deals: Actually, my outside income has mainly involved speaking to business groups. (I've done missions for the UN, consulting for the World Bank and IMF, etc., but those things aren't lucrative. I'm also a “Centenary Professor” at the London School of Economics – it doesn't pay me anything, but might be a helpful connection when I'm forced to flee the country.) The Leigh Lecture Bureau, in Somerville NJ, represents me for speaking engagements. (908-253-8600) Before I went to work for the NY Times I did a lot of paid speaking, mainly to investment bank conferences outside the US: I was considered an expert on financial crises, and was credited with having predicted the crisis in Asia (though I had no idea how bad it would get. As I told people, I was 90% wrong about Asia – it's just that everyone else was 150% wrong.) So people wanted to hear my predictions about the next one. My fee for overseas talks was usually $40-50K.

I do very little paid speaking now, and no consulting, because the New York Times has quite strict rules: basically I can only get paid for speaking to nonprofits that have no possible interest in influencing the content of the column. It's a good rule – read Eric Alterman's book “Sound and Fury” to see how speaking fees can corrupt pundits – though it meant that I took a substantial income cut to work for the Times. (I could have cashed in big time on Argentina, another one I got somewhat right – and I could probably have another round of Asia stuff, since it's starting to look as if Japan may finally start listening to what I told them 5 years ago.)

By the way, someone did once try to corrupt me seriously. Back in 1998 or so, long before the Times entered the picture, a hedge fund offered me a retainer for advance copies of articles I wrote for magazines like Fortune and Foreign Affairs. I didn't take them up on the offer.

Excessive current income: I won't tell you my salary at either Princeton or the Times. But they are both very nice. Combined with royalties on my textbook with Maury Obstfeld, International Economics, which is in its 6th edition – it's the leading textbook in the field – and my wife's salary (she also teaches at Princeton), I am definitely comfortable. Hey, it's OK to make money as long as it's not based on exploiting insider status, and as long as you pay your proper share of taxes. My wife and I hope to be even more comfortable when the principles textbook we're writing starts to yield royalties.

Lavish lifestyle: We have a lovely house in Princeton, though it's not a mansion. It's on a wooded lot, and we have lots of deer, which drives my wife crazy (she's a gardener.) We have two cars – an old Jeep Cherokee, and a very old Volvo. Once the weather improves, I'll bike into the office most days.

Scandalous personal life: My personal life, I'm sorry to say, isn't interesting. I'm an only child. My parents, who have been married for more than 50 years, are retired — my father worked for an insurance company, my mother was a Long Island housewife. My cousins include a CPA, a dental technician, a set designer, and a violinist. I am not, as far as I know, related either to the Krugman who works for the retail association, or to the coroner in the JonBenet Ramsey case. According to a newsletter my parents receive, about families that came from a now-vanished shtetl, I am distantly related to David Frum. (Maybe he and I are the real axis of evil.)

My first marriage ended in divorce. My current wife and I lived in sin – very sedate, bourgeois sin, I'm afraid – for a couple of years, then married in 1996, and have lived happily ever after. Sorry, but I have no sexual escapades to report. I have no children from either marriage. We do have two wonderful nephews, whom we take on vacations – we took them to Maui on our honeymoon. We also have two cats; I withhold their names to protect their privacy. To get away from it all, we take bike trips in France, on which we drink wine and eat too much. Our plan, when the textbook is done, is to take an extended trip, for as long as we can manage.

Oh, while we're at it: I still have all my hair, but have so far fought a losing battle against my middle-aged paunch. (See bike trips, above.)

Unstable employment history: I moved several times in the 1990s. Basically, I'm a trailing spouse. Here's the sequence: when my future wife and I began seeing each other, I was at MIT and she was teaching in England. The commute was wearing us down. Then she got a job in the U.S. – but it was at Stanford Business School. So I asked Stanford if they wanted to make me an offer, and they did. Then MIT made us an offer to get me back, which we chose to accept because my wife disliked business-school teaching. Finally, Princeton made us an offer we couldn't refuse – partly because the details of the offer were very good, partly because Princeton was clearly the up-and-coming department. It also worked out well for family reasons: my parents are living in a retirement community not far from Princeton, and my mother-in-law, who hated Boston, has purchased a house nearby.

By the way, each time I moved the institution I left made strong efforts to keep me.

Other evil actions: Sad to say, I've never murdered anyone, or even been arrested – I think I was pulled over once for speeding, but don't remember the details. (Something like going 35 in a 25 zone.) I tried smoking pot once, but failed: I've never smoked, so I went into a coughing fit at my first and only puff. I do drink: see bike trips, above. At the moment I have an unpaid parking ticket – there's this convenient lot on Princeton's campus, right next to the econ dept., that we're not supposed to use, and I thought I could get away with it for an hour.

So that's the story; sorry, I wish it was more interesting. Lots of additional information, including a CV, can be found at the unofficial site, www.pkarchive.org.

You can mail the $100 check to:

Paul Krugman
Woodrow Wilson School
Princeton University
Princeton, NJ 08544

Cooperative games

Some words or phrases immediately raise my hackles.

Social justice

http://www.cooperationgames.com/

Karl Rohnke, Silver Bullets: A Guide to Initiative Problems, Adventure Games, Stunts and Trust Activities, Kendall/Hunt Publishers, Dubuque, Iowa, 1984.
*

Karl Rohnke, Cowstails and Cobras II: A Guide to Games, Initiatives, Ropes Courses, & Adventure Curriculum., Kendall/Hunt Publishers, Dubuque, Iowa, 1989.
*

Bag of Tricks: Adventure Notes from Karl Rohnke. A periodic newsletter with many creative and fun activities.
Published by Karl Rohnke, P. O. Box 77, Hamilton, MA 01936.
*

Andrew Fluegelman, editor, More New Games!, Doubleday, New York, 1981
*

Edward Scannell and John Newstrom, Games Trainers Play: Experiential Learning Exercises, McGraw-Hill, Inc., New York, 1980.
*

Edward Scannell and John Newstrom, More Games Trainers Play: Experiential Learning Exercises, McGraw-Hill, Inc., New York, 1983.
*

Edward Scannell and John Newstrom, Still More Games Trainers Play: Experiential Learning Exercises, McGraw-Hill, Inc., New York, 1991.
*

Games that have been associated with/incorporated into service-learning projects – The National Service Learning Clearinghouse

Review of Escape from Leviathan: Liberty, Welfare and Anarchy Reconciled

On my to read list…

http://www.theihs.org/libertyguide/hsr/hsr.php/42.html

Libertarianism by Conjecture and Refutation

by Norman Berry

From Humane Studies Review Vol. 13, No. 2

Escape from Leviathan: Liberty, Welfare and Anarchy Reconciled
J. C. Lester
London: Macmillan, 2000

(buy this book)

J. C. Lester has written an outstanding book. It fulfills all the criteria for that accolade. It is the author’s first book yet he tackles the subject with the consummate skill of an expert in the field. He is up to date with all the relevant literature, that which is sympathetic to his intellectual cause as well as the arguments of its opponents. He is familiar with all of the philosophical issues and manages to breathe some new life into matters that have been discussed ad nauseum by libertarians over the years. While not always crystal clear in his exposition (indeed, this book is not to be recommended to beginners), Lester writes generally in a lively and provocative style which is sure to attract freedom-loving scholars. Furthermore, he is not afraid to take on some well-known shibboleths of contemporary political philosophy and subject them to full libertarian rigor; his critique of democracy was a heady, almost intoxicating, refutation of the most emotive (and apparently uncriticizable) concept in the political lexicon. As he points out, “Democracy is the enemy of liberty and welfare.” [1] Of course, most critics of democracy are automatically dismissed as fascists, but that is a most implausible, indeed libelous, charge to level at one who is so committed a believer in freedom.

Lester shows considerable originality, either when he is discussing some of the deepest problems in political theory or when he is making a contribution to some of the more casual issues of contemporary politics. He is able to use the concepts and intellectual weaponry of libertarianism as effectively as the giants of the subject — Rothbard, David Friedman and the early Nozick included. Equally important are his critiques of some of the most well-known critics of libertarianism. His sections on Rawls and John Gray are neat little vignettes, brief but rigorous.

Lester has written a book about libertarianism and he is not frightened to consider the major, and the deepest, intellectual conundrums in the doctrine. But while the discussion is intense and penetrative, the book is not about foundationalism; in fact, the author specifically rejects any fundamental demonstration of the truth of libertarianism, whether that is derived from natural rights, utilitarianism, or any other justificatory intellectual scaffolding that is alleged to be impervious to criticism. In a considerable theoretical coup, Lester adopts Karl Popper’s anti-justificatory critical rationalism, though he takes it into areas undreamt of by that philosopher. Rather than aiming at philosophical absolutism, Lester adopts the method of conjecture and refutation. The “truths” of libertarianism emerge as they survive a series of logical (and occasionally empirical) tests. Perhaps Lester pushes the analogy with Popperian science a little far when he says that libertarianism is “as unsupported as universal scientific theories.” [2] After all, scientific theories, unlike those of ethics and politics, display a greater vulnerability to falsification, and there is considerable agreement among scientists as to what counts as a refutation of a theory. Furthermore, there is a strong a priori element in Lester’s thinking that does not gel easily with Popper’s scientific empiricism (though that philosopher is clearly no ordinary empiricist). Certainly, the apodictic reasoning of Mises, who constructed the whole of economic theory from apriori premises, would not be acceptable since, in Popper’s view, a proposition that could not be falsified had zero empirical content. Some of Lester’s ratiocination looks suspiciously like this.

Still, at least the approach Lester takes gets away from the endless and fruitless search for the permanent and irrefutable justification of political and moral values. Lester is particularly effective in rebutting Gray’s critique of classical liberalism, which depends almost entirely on the author’s claim that the doctrine fails to be justified in the light some fashionable contemporary doctrines. Gray has repeatedly claimed that liberalism does not to take in account cultural pluralism and that it mistakenly tries to provide universal principles for problems that can only be solved within a localized value framework. But, as Lester stresses, classical liberalism does not need a heavy metaphysical justification. Liberty is not a “value laden” concept that requires agreement on a broad set of philosophical themes, including the notion of the person, if it is to be serviceable normatively. Liberty is a coherent ideal, or set of principles, that, when applied to abiding social problems, has an increasingly universal appeal. Indeed, only the liberty principle can validate cultural variation; it allows a plurality of customs to develop subject only to the constraint of non-interference by any one (the state) over its rivals. What is also surprising and refreshing is that Lester can produce arguments against interference and coercion that, in most cases, though not all, are inferences from the liberty principle itself and its associated economic and philosophical principles. There is no “baggage” of heady but unrealistic metaphysics

None of this is suggestive of a lack of intellectual ambition in Lester. He sets himself the difficult task of producing a fundamental compatibility in our values; liberty, property, welfare, and (ultimately) libertarian anarchy are theoretically harmonious and contain no, or very few, internal inconsistencies. This is a welcome change from much contemporary theorizing in politics which so often depends on precarious tradeoffs between competing values and unstable compromises between rivalrous demands. But Lester is confident that we can maximize welfare and achieve liberty, that legitimate property is perfectly consistent with a coherent conception of justice, and that utility, properly understood, does not clash with libertarian rights. A further welcome feature of his analysis is that, for the most part, he eschews external morality. His normative suggestions derive from the consequences of adopting liberty and self-ownership, not from the demands of a morality demonstrable by reason. But, still, rarely has capitalism been justified with such philosophical expertise.

Lester takes a robust and relatively uncomplicated view of the person (though this is not to say that his analysis is not complex). Against those who maintain that individuals have a propensity for valued action that may not be revealed in their uncoerced choices, a position that normally leads to paternalism, Lester is happy to see us as rational choosers whose desires are perfectly valid reasons for action. This enables him to surmount the old altruism/egoism conflict. The fact that we are sometimes other-regarding in our actions is not a reason for dropping self-interest as the primary focus of action. Action is a product of perceived self-interest and there is no reason why that should always take an immediate egoistic form. When we behave altruistically we do so from a “selfish” desire to effect some improvement in the world. However, Lester slightly relaxes this rigor when he admits into the theory what he thinks is the necessity of cardinal utility (knowing how much a person is better off from a course of action). While he concedes that such notions are not strictly measurable, he claims that “without the notion of cardinal utility we are left without the notion of conscious beings.” [3] I am not sure this is consistent with his minimalist, even materialist, view of the self that he espouses earlier. I wonder what some persistent interventionist might make of the notion of “conscious being”: it could be used as a device for suppressing our choices in the market.

Naturally, Lester concentrates on liberty and he has some very important and novel things to say about it. To get away from the endless debates about the meaning of the concept, and the limits and extent of unfreedom, he conjectures that liberty is a state in which people do not have a subjective cost initiated and imposed on them by others without their consent. [4] People are at liberty when they pursue their choices in the market. Withholding a benefit to which a person might (mistakenly) think he is entitled, often a feature of positive liberty, is not a loss of freedom: only the imposition of a cost is. This might cover most cases of unfreedom, but there is a problem because of its unavoidably subjectivist nature. Those of a deep religious persuasion undoubtedly feel a loss of subjective liberty when their faith is traduced, as Muslims undoubtedly did when the author Salman Rushdie parodied their beliefs. This example is used by Lester, but not very satisfactorily. He simply says they had no “realistic case” without properly analyzing it in the context of his philosophical position. I do not think the notion of harm can be eliminated from a discussion of permissible actions, even though Lester rightly points to its conceptual ambivalence. Despite the ambiguity here, and irrespective of the Muslims’ perhaps explicable anger at Rushdie, it is hard to imagine that they suffered a loss in liberty. Only by a perverse definition could their interests be said to have been harmed. The disputatious nature of harm is matched by the irredeemably subjectivist aspect of Lester’s criterion of the imposition of cost.

The connection between liberty and property is obviously of crucial importance to libertarians and Lester has some interesting comments to make about it. In his discussion of the propertarianism versus libertarianism debate he comes down on the side of liberty. Indeed, the notion of self-ownership derives from the idea of liberty conjectured in a state of nature. However, the fact that liberty must prevail over property might pose some problems for Lester’s compatibility thesis. He quotes the familiar example of the property owner buying up land so that he surrounds an otherwise innocent person, completely eliminating his freedom. Is property to be legitimately limited to prevent this happening? Lester merely asserts that liberty takes priority. Similar problems, identified by David Friedman, occur with a possible conflict between liberty and an uncontroversial notion of utility. Are we entitled, albeit illegitimately, to seize a gun when that is the only way of controlling a dangerous lunatic? Lester seems to go along with common sense solutions to admittedly unusual cases; they do pose probably insoluble intellectual problems. But they could be converted into more plausible scenarios by anti-libertarians using well-chosen examples.

There is a property problem more immediately relevant to public policy than the examples of “desert island ethics” analyzed in detail by Lester, however. I refer here to the original ownership of land and the rationale of land rent. It is a problem that bothered classical economists in the nineteenth century and it should concern libertarians today more than it does. It certainly has a bearing on Lester’s compatibility of liberty and property thesis, for the case for a land tax (Henry George’s single tax) is the only example of an interventionist policy I know that is consistent with efficiency (utility) and a superficially plausible notion of liberty. What gives the lucky inheritor of land the sole title to a resource limited by nature? What can possibly justify the differential rent paid to an owner of a property in New York which is identical to a property in Idaho? The owner of the New York apartment did not create that extra value: in a sense, everybody did. Are libertarians saying that inheritors of land display entrepreneurship? If so, then that concept becomes entirely analytic. Of course, the followers of Henry George did not deny that improvements to land should be fully rewarded. They were, on the whole, pro-market, and they could easily argue that no efficiency losses would occur through the single tax (as land has little alternative use). I do not deny that there are libertarian replies to consistent Georgists, but I was disappointed that Lester ducked the issue with his assertion that “….exclusive land ownership, for reasons of security and privacy, is usually a relatively trivial imposed cost on people and its absence a great one.” [5] I am not sure that it is trivial, even though in the modern world knowledge is probably a more fertile source of wealth creation than landownership. Lester does recognize some constraints on original acquisition, [6] deriving from a version of Locke’s injunction to leave “as much and as good” for others, and also those embodied in the claim that it is illiberal for people to consume irreplaceable natural resources. It is therefore a little disappointing that he gives no attention to the only socialist proposition that ever made any sense, i.e., collective restraint on individual landownership.

With regard to welfare, which Lester handles with considerable aplomb, there is only one area that provoked dissent from this reviewer. After eloquently defining welfare in terms of want-satisfaction, where only the individual is qualified to determine utility (defined in preference terms rather than quantifiable units of pleasure), Lester suddenly invokes the idea of the interpersonal comparison of utilities (an assertion which has an unacknowledged affinity with his earlier sympathy for cardinal utility). [7] It is true that he does so somewhat warily, aware as he no doubt is of the way in which interventionist, Benthamite utilitarians have used the notion to smuggle in all sorts of constraints on liberty and the market (for example, progressive income tax) which allegedly make everybody better off. Lester, however, says we make such utility comparisons all the time. Of course, a mother often says Susie needs a new dress more than Tommy needs shoes, and she no doubt thinks the family as a whole is better off as a result of the purchase. But we don’t want such judgments to invade public policy. To my surprise, Lester says “general arguments can show that certain social rules are likely to promote over-all want-satisfaction.”[8] It is true that he does not want some sort of comprehensive utility function imposed on society, but he is obviously worried by the implications of the formal Pareto criterion. For a welfare improvement to occur, everybody must gain, and there is a rigid prohibition on any interpersonal comparisons of utility in Paretianism.

This austere doctrine means, for example, that any movement from a slave to a free society requires the agreement (or compensation) of the slaveowners, or that the landowners in Britain would have to have been compensated on the repeal of the Corn Laws in 1846. But the problem here has been misunderstood. The Paretian is not necessarily precluded from making moral judgments about the evils of slavery or monopoly landownership; he is not necessarily an emotivist or a logical positivist. All he is arguing is that such appraisals have no relevance to a scientific analysis of what constitutes a welfare improvement. Slaveowners and monopoly landowners are simply immoral, but Lester is reluctant to make ethical judgments. Sometimes we must, though, if we are to have a fully compatible set of values.

In a short review article it is impossible to do justice to Lester’s remarkable book. He manages to say new and exciting things about criminal justice (restitution should replace formal punishment), new ways of internalizing externalities, and property rights solutions to the “tragedy of the commons.” Not all libertarians, for example, would agree with his claim that creators should have full claim to profits from copyrights and patents and there is a respectable body of thought that maintains that these arrangements simply establish economically and morally unjustified monopolies, but Lester’s arguments are presented with sophistication and are informed by an impressive mastery of the secondary literature.

To conclude on a slightly critical note: anarcho-capitalists are very good at showing how a private enterprise system of law enforcement could work, how even national defense could be provided voluntarily, and how well-defined property rights would solve all the problems of the environment. Indeed, with some minor discordances, Lester has shown how in such a world all our values are compatible. Getting there, however, is not only an immense practical problem, but it is also an intellectual one which tests compatibility to the full. How can unfunded pension systems be wound up without hurting one generation? What about all those people who have become completely dependent on welfare through coercive national insurance schemes? Can they all be compensated in any changeover? We know the world looks very pretty in theory but in practice it bears the same tawdry and weary face that it always did. And always will?

[1] J. C. Lester, Escape from Leviathan: Liberty, Welfare and Anarchy Reconciled. (London, Macmillan, 2000), 203.

[2] Ibid., 8.

[3] Ibid., 48.

[4] Ibid., 54.

[5] Ibid., 106. Emphasis in the original.

[6] Ibid., 93-95.

[7] Ibid., 152.

[8] Ibid.

Rational Street Performer Protocol

Rational Street Performer Protocol

Paul Harrison — [email protected]

(revised 25/11/02)
Introduction

The Street Performer Protocol was proposed by Kelsey and Schneier as a way of generating private funding for public works. It is particularly relevant to the production of information goods.

One objection that can be made about the Street Performer Protocol is that contributors do not seem to gain a reward (in terms of production of the public work) in proportion to their contribution. This means that it makes sense to freeload, and just wait for other people to put up the money.

In this web-page I propose a variation on the Street Performer Protocol in which it is rational to contribute money towards the production of the public work. I call this the Rational Street Performer Protocol. This protocol evolved out of discussions in the Melbourne University Information Economics group.

It is useful to think of these kinds of protocols in terms of providing a service for money, rather than creating a public work with a certain value. It is hard to pin down the value of a good with zero production cost.

The protocol is designed as round that is repeated many times. After several rounds it gains the property that it makes rational sense to contribute, although even from the first round contibutors are guaranteed to get their money's worth. This means that it is more suitable for repeated works. Some things it would be useful for are:
# Web comics
# A musician producing songs
# Software maintenance and documentation
# A serialized book, or an author producing a series of books
The Protocol

The protocol consists of an on-going series of rounds. In each round, each person is aware of the outcomes of all the previous rounds.

The people involved are the artist (or service provider) and contributors who contribute money towards the work.

Each round proceeds as follows:

1. The artist proposes:
# a service they are offering
# the amount of time they are willing to wait for promises of money

2. The contributors give the artist pledges of money they are willing to pay for the service. These take the form

I will dontate one dollar in every $____ raised over $____
up to a maximum contribution of $____

In other words, each person's pledge is a function of the total amount raised.

Stage 2 continues until the time specified by the artist elapses. Then either

3. The maximum amount that could be collected while abiding by each contributor's requirements is calculated. Money is collected from the contributors.

Alternatively, money could be collected in stage 2 by a trusted third party, then forwarded to the artist or returned to the contributors as necessary after stage 3.

4. The artist performs the service.
Calculation of the result

In stage 3 we want to find the largest possible total consistent with all pledges. This is non-trivial, as pledges are a function of the total raised, and the total raised is a function of the pledges.

Suppose we assume a certain total s would be raised, then add up the total t that people would actually be willing to give given s. Then s is consistent if it is less than t.

So one way to find the best possible total would be just to a examine a set of possible totals, then pick that largest that is consistent with the pledges. However, this might take a while if we want to be sure we chose the maximum possible.

We can also test if there might be a consistent solution within some range [a,b]. If the total that would be raised if we assume b exceeds the value of a, then there is a possible solution in that range.

So we can test a range, and if there is a possible solution in that range, split it in two and test each half, and so on. This can be used to find the largest possible total with some efficiency.
Variations

Contributors might have more complex requirements. The round will have a solution so long as each pledge is a continuous function of the total amount collected.

The artist may specify a minimum amount to be collected. If this amount is not reached, the round fails.

The artist may specify a maximum amount to be collected. If this amount is exceeded, contributors pay proporionately to what they would have been willing to pay.
Why it works

To see why RSPP would work, let us look at the motivation of the contributors.

The contributors, being rational people, want maximise their utility. Therefore, they want as much money as possible to go to the public work, but to pay as little as possible themselves.

First, let us examine the motivation of someone who freeloaded in previous rounds. Assume there have been several rounds already, and bidding has stabalized. Then this new contributor can judge the effect of their pledge, based on the previous round. They can see that if they pledge such-and-such an amount, it will raise the total by a certain larger amount.

So if they gain more utility from contributing than spending their money elswhere, they will contribute. There is still a chance that other contributors will revise their bids in this round, but they can ensure they don't actually lose out from contributing by setting conditions on their contribution. For example, they could require that each dollar they contribute is matched by some amount from other contributors, in excess of the amount raised in the previous round.

We can apply similar logic to someone who contributed in previous rounds, and is revising their bid. Let us suppose they were happy with the outcome of the previous round (having put conditions on their pledge in the previous round to ensure this). So if the total raised was the same as the previous round, they will make the same contribution. They may also want to make a larger donation this time if it causes sufficiently more to be raised in total, or reduce their donation if doing so only reduces the total raised by a small amount. These kinds of decisions can be made part of their pledge for the current round.

This logic applies once the pledges in each round have stabalised. In initial rounds, there is more risk for contributors, but they can at least make conditional pledges that ensure that they don't lose utility from donating.

A more mathematical treatment of these decisions is given in Appendix A.
Conclusion

The Rational Street Performer Protocol provides a way for rational people to cooperate to produce public works. No altruism is required, as people will simply gain more utility from contributing than freeloading. Furthermore, the dynamics of the system provides a way of working out the value of public goods.
Appendix A – pledging while avoiding risk

Suppose a person is considering what proportion of their resources to allocate to a public work. For example, say they have $100 that they could spend on CDs, or on funding a band to release music.

Call the proportion of resources allocated to the public work x. Call the resulting funding for the public work R(x) (R for “Response Curve”). Let f be a function for the utility they gain from the public work and g be a function for applying their resources elsewhere.

Then their utility for a given allocation of resources to the public work is

U(x) = f(R(x)) + g(1-x)

Assume R, f and g are monotonically increasing functions.

We can specify the condition for a donation not detracting from the person's overall utility. This is an upper bound on their donation, one would expect their actual donation to be slightly less in order to profit from the donation.

U(x) >= U(0)

-> f(R(x)) + g(1-x) >= f(R(0)) + g(1)
-> f(R(x)) >= f(R(0)) + g(1) – g(1-x)

By the monotonicity of f

-1
-> R(x) >= f ( f(R(0)) + g(1) – g(1-x) )

And then by the monotonicity of R

-1 -1
-> x >= R ( f ( f(R(0)) + g(1) – g(1-x) ) )

-1
Let y = f ( f(R(0)) + g(1) – g(1-x) )

-> f(y) = f(R(0)) + g(1) – g(1-x)

-> g(1-x) = f(R(0)) + g(1) – f(y)

-1
-> 1-x = g ( f(R(0)) + g(1) – f(y) )

-1
-> x = 1 – g ( f(R(0)) + g(1) – f(y) )

By substitution

-1 -1
-> R (y) <= 1 - g ( f(R(0)) + g(1) - f(y) )

So the person's donation should not exceed R-1(y) above if the total raised is R. Also, the donation must be between 0 and 1. This gives a pledge function that will ensure the person does not lose out by donating.

If we use linear functions for the utility gained from allocating resources to the public work and elsewhere

f(x) = ax
g(x) = bx

then this simplfies to

-1 a
R (y) <= - ( y - R(0) )
b

giving a curve of the same form as an RSPP pledge (assuming the donation must be between 0 and 1).

The above requires that the person know R(0), the amount that would be raised if they did not donate. If it is a repeated round, they might assume R(0) to be the amount that would have been raised last time if they didn't contribute. If it is the first round, they can ensure that they do no worse than if the public work didn't exist at all by assuming R(0) = 0.

Seat License: coming to a bus stop near you!

new seat license

From Steve Mann's Wearcam.org seat sale:

Across from the internet chair is a VGA television display on a TV stand, which displays the following message:

WARNING! Your seating license WILL EXPIRE in 5 seconds! Please get off the chair when the buzzer sounds.

Swipe credit card or government issued photo ID card to download a FREE Seating License.

Your card is for identification purposes only. The seating is FREE!!!

By swiping your card, you agree to be bound by our Terms and Conditions.

Your swipe indicates your agreement to these Terms and Conditions of use.

If you do not agree to our Terms and Conditions, remain standing and do not swipe your card through the card reader!

When a credit card or ID card is swiped, the following displays:

________________________________________
Thank you for agreeing to our Terms and
Conditions of use.
________________________________________

(spikes retract)

Enjoy Quality of Seating Services (TM)
Middleware and QoS Provisioning.

(a short movie plays)

After some time (e.g. after the movie has finished) a bright flashing animated version of the following is displayed:

then the following message is displayed while an extremely loud bank of 60 Hz warning buzzers is sounded throughout the exhibit space:

Your Seating License will expire in 4 seconds Please swipe your credit card or contact the SeatWorks to renew your license

WARNING: Your Seating License will expire in 3 seconds!
Please get off the chair! contact the SeatWorks to renew your license.

License Expired

(spikes unretract)

Raleigh: forest with a city inside

Although there are beautiful forests in the Bay Area, the forests aren't as integrated with the cities as they are in Raleigh. Palo Alto's a city with trees; Raleigh's a forest with a city inside.

A nearby footbridge after the 2002 winter ice storm:

A footbridge near my house (McNeil St., Raleigh, NC) after the 2002 winter ice storm.

Raleigh is littered with small parks like this one, a 10 minute walk from home:

A park near my house after the 2002 winter ice storm.

Shelly Lake (15 minute walk from my office):

Shelly Lake (15 minute walk from my office)

Trail around Shelly Lake:


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