Heart joins head in moral maze

http://www.nature.com/nsu/010920/010920-1.html

Nature
14 September 2001

Heart joins head in moral maze

People may rely on emotion as much as reason deciding moral
dilemmas. 14 September 2001

ERICA KLARREICH

If five people are trapped on a railway
track and a train is approaching, is it
morally right to divert the train onto
another track where there is only one
person? Most people would say yes. Would
it be right to push a person onto the track
to prevent the train from hitting the other
five? This time, most people would say no.

The different responses puzzle
philosophers, because the principle -
sacrifice one life to save five – is the
same in both cases.

Magnetic resonance images now show that our brains process
the two dilemmas in fundamentally different ways, using
brain regions responsible for emotion only in the second
situation1.

“We've known almost nothing about how the brain handles
moral dilemmas,” says psychologist Jonathan Cohen, who
conducted the experiment with colleagues at Princeton
University in New Jersey. “Now it appears that when people
make moral decisions, emotional responses play as much of a
role as logical analyses.”

When study participants made moral decisions about
situations that have a personal element, such as throwing
people off a sinking lifeboat, activity soared in four parts
of the brain involved in processing emotion. Meanwhile, it
sank in three regions associated with working memory, which
stores and processes information in the short term.

The reverse happened when subjects judged less personal
moral dilemmas, such as keeping the money found in a lost
wallet, or considered questions that were not moral issues,
such as whether to travel by bus or train in a given
situation.

“This is fascinating research, which brings emotion firmly
into the process of reasoning itself,” says Helen Haste, an
expert on the psychology of morality at the University of
Bath in England. Many researchers have regarded moral
reasoning as a purely analytical process, and deemed emotion
as “something that gets in the way of reason”, she says.

Gut feeling

Psychologists have had many clues to the importance of
emotion in moral decision-making, says Joshua Greene, who
led the Princeton study. Most famous is the
nineteenth-century Vermont railroad worker Phineas Gage. He
was transformed from a well-respected, law-abiding citizen
to a shiftless, quarrelsome drifter after an iron rod passed
through his eye socket and out of the back of his head in an
accident.

“Right after the accident he seemed fine – he could talk,
and do mathematics,” Greene says. “But his moral behaviour
changed dramatically, even though his basic reasoning
ability seemed intact.” More recently, Greene says, a
patient who suffered similar brain damage started making
disastrous moral decisions in his personal life, even though
he could analyse abstract moral dilemmas logically.

Perhaps the most crucial finding of the
study, Greene says, was that people took
significantly longer to conclude that it was
appropriate to push a person in front of the
train than to decide it was
inappropriate. “The people who said it was
appropriate had to fight their emotions, so
they were more hesitant,” he says. “This says
that emotion isn't just incidental, but
really exerts a force on people's
judgements.”

The study makes no judgement about what decisions are moral,
Cohen emphasizes. “What we've done has nothing to do with
what is morally right, we are just describing how people
come to decisions,” he says. “That doesn't mean they've come
to the right decision.”

At the same time, there could be good reasons to trust our
gut responses, he suggests. “Emotions may well be important
adaptations. We don't have to write them off as silly,
murky, irrational responses.”

References

1.Greene, J. et al. An fMRI investigation of emotional
engagement in moral judgment. Science, 293, 2105 – 2108,
(2001).

Diesel fueled motorcycle obsession

Some of you may be wondering about my obsession with diesel powered
motorcycles. Should the U.S. become embroiled in an extended war in
the Middle East, oil prices are likely to go quite high. Should that
happen, fuel economy, and sources of fuel outside the Middle East will become
increasingly important. Judged by these two criteria, diesel engines
have a number of advantages relative to gasoline engines.

Today's diesel engine operates at up to 55% fuel efficiency, compared
with only 35% for modern gasoline engines. Preliminary research
indicates that diesel efficiency can be increased to perhaps as high
as 63%. Diesel engines, because of their simpler design, also tend to be more
durable than gasoline engines.

Diesel engines are more efficient because
diesel engine employ direct fuel injection in which fuel is injected directly into the engine cylinder rather than indirectly through a
carburetor system. As a result of the higher temperature and
compression pressures created in the diesel engine cylinders a higher
percentage of the fuel is burned than in a comparable gasoline engine.

Diesel fuel also has a higher energy density than gasoline. On
average, a gallon of diesel fuel contains approximately 155×10^6
joules (147,000 BTUs), while a gallon of gasoline contains 132×10^6
joules (125,000 BTUs). As a result of the higher fuel density and
more efficient engine design, diesels get better mileage than
equivalent gasoline engines. Light-duty diesels use 30-60% less fuel
than gasoline engines of similar power. For example, the
European-market Audi A2 achieves 86 mpg on the highway. The 4 passenger diesel A2 is 23% more fuel efficient than the 2 passenger Honda Insight, which is the most fuel efficient car sold in America with a combined City/Highway mileage of 64 mpg.

Finally, diesel fuel is also easier to handle,
as it has a higher boiling point than water, and can be stored for
long periods of time without special treatment.

Disadvantages of diesels? Historically, diesel engines have had the
following problems.

1. Higher production of nitrogen oxides and particulate matter
emissions.
2. Bad smelling exhaust.
3. Poor acceleration ability.
4. Fewer fuel stations carry diesel.
5. Difficult to start in cold weather.

Due to these historical disadvantages, diesels have captured less than 1% of the consumer auto market in the
U.S.

However, diesels have enjoyed much greater success in Europe–over
1/3rd of the autos sold there are diesels. Several reasons have
contributed to their success in Europe:

1. Higher fuel prices.
2. Less stringent regulation of nitrogen oxide and particulate matter
emission.
3. Tax subsidies for diesel fuel.
4. Improved engine design has improved acceleration and cold-start ability.

Most importantly from my perspective, diesel fuels can be created from
biological products such as soybeans. With minor modifications,
engines designed for petroleum derived diesel fuel can be converted to
plant derived diesel fuel. Although cost prohibitive now, if
petroleum based fuel prices rise substantially, biodiesel will seem
increasingly attractive. In a pinch, you can also make your own
diesel fuel from waste vegetable and animal oils. In the event of a
catastrophic economic collapse this may be a useful feature.

I'm particularly interested in motorcycles because a)
I'm probably going to be commuting into San Francisco,
and even after the dotcom crash, parking is a bitch b)
motorcycles can use roads that would be impassable in an
automobile c) they're fun to drive.

During a major disaster, motorcycles are likely to be one of the few
vehicles capable of exiting a major metropolitan area. In addition,
their fuel economy makes them an good choice, should protracted
fighting cause large increases in gasoline prices.

Unfortunately, it appears that there are no diesel-powered motorcycles
in civilian production. Royal
Enfield the last manufacturer of civilian diesel motorcycles (in
India) appears to have stopped
production.

However, the U.S. and British armies are attempting to standardize on diesel as a single fuel source. Therefore they have spent about
£250,000 on the development of a motorcycle that can run on
either diesel or aviation kerosene. Developed jointly by
Californian firm Hayes Diversified Technologies and the British Army
College at Shrivenham, the design is based on the current M1030
Marine Corps Motorcycle (Kawasaki KLR650). The bike has a range of
120 miles per gallon, and a top speed of 85 MPH.

So if you're hankering for a diesel powered bike, you may want to purchase a Kawasaki KLR650–in a couple of years, you may be able to get it modded for diesel. If you have to have a diesel now, a Royal Enfield is probably the best choice. However, I've read that they're quite cantankerous, and it's likely to be difficult to find parts for them in the U.S.

Some of the stuff above was plagairized from:

  • Marshall Brains' How
    Stuff Works

  • Diesel Technology Forum report Demand
    for Diesels: The European Experience July 2001.

Here's the Hayes Diversified announcement:

Hayes Diversified Technologies
10844 Suite A1
Hesperia, CA 92345
Project Manager: Fred Hayes
619.947.3140

The objective of this proposal is to develop a method to convert a
modern, gasoline powered motorcycle engine to operate on JP8/Diesel
fuel. The effort will focus on the use of conventional compression
ignition (C.I.) diesel technology that will faciliate component design
that maintains the integrity of the unit construction of the
motorcycle's engine and transmission and allows integration into an
existing motorcycle that meets the performance and operability of the
current M1030 Marine Corps Motorcycle. The method of converstion must
also be cost-effective to retain the value of the military motorcycle
and be a viable alternative to gasoline powered vehicles in other
related markets. Previous studies done by the Royal Military College
of Science, Cranfield University, UK determined that current
C.I. diesel technology can be used to meet established performance
standards. This effort will focus on the cost-effective integration of
this technology into modern motorcycle engine design with minimum
impact on size and weight. It is anticipated that component redesign
will include the cylinder head, piston, crankshaft/connecting rod and
crankcase. Design criteria will include the use of existing components
to the maximum extent practical.

Friedrich Hayek: A Biography

(Note: Deirdre McCloskey (nee Donald McCloskey) is also an interesting person in his own right. See her autobiography Crossing:A Memoir: http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0226556697/qid=1001350282/sr=1-1/ref=sr_1_2_1/002-6001974-3371233)

Persuade and Be Free A new road to Friedrich Hayek

By Deirdre McCloskey

Friedrich Hayek: A Biography, by Alan Ebenstein, New York:
Palgrave/St. Martin�s Press, 403 pages, $29.95

“The libertarian age is at hand,” declares Alan Ebenstein at the end
of his engaging new biography. So we most fervently pray, though the
very sainted Friedrich August von Hayek (1899-1992), one of the people
who brought it about, would I think be less than confident. Hayek
lived through a startling disintegration of liberal societies. He saw
socialism triumphant and freedom limited to a handful of nations. By
the early 1940s even his fellow Austrian, Harvard economist Joseph
Schumpeter, had abandoned capitalism, as had most other intellectuals.

By 1944, when Hayek wrote his most famous if not his most profound
book, The Road to Serfdom, most of his academic colleagues were lining
up behind state slavery. George Orwell praised the book in part; it
elaborated on the same worries Orwell had about central planning: “It
cannot be said too often — at any rate it is not being said nearly
often enough — that collectivism is not inherently democratic, but,
on the contrary, gives to a tyrannical minority such powers as the
Spanish Inquisitor never dreamed of.” When Hayek tried to have The
Road to Serfdom published in the United States, it was rejected by
three publishers. Orwell�s Animal Farm, a rather more vivid approach
to the same theme, was in that same heyday of collectivist enthusiasm
rejected by eight or nine American publishers, one of whom explained
kindly that, “We are not doing animal books this year.”

But Hayek gloriously lived to receive the 1974 Nobel Memorial Prize in
Economic Science and to witness socialism�s collapse. The century�s
chief political theorist of capitalism became a hero in the former
socialist countries. In 1989 the Cato Institute gave Yevgeny Primakov
a bronze bust of the author of The Road to Serfdom. The ironies are
dizzying.

Hayek had an interesting life, sometimes in the sense of the Chinese
curse: May you live in interesting times. He was a child in the Vienna
of Freud, a cousin of Wittgenstein, a decorated officer in the horrors
of the Italian front in World War I, a witness to hyperinflation and
the rise of Nazism, an early proponent of the new quantitative methods
in social science, an academic star at the London School of Economics,
a media figure briefly in the United States after Reader�s Digest
published a condensed edition of The Road to Serfdom in its March 1945
issue, and then a pariah in mainstream economics, viewed as merely
polemical, no longer an economist.

When he was considered for a job in economics at the University of
Chicago in 1946, and then again in 1950 when he was in fact invited to
join the university�s quirky Committee on Social Thought, the
economics department one floor down wouldn�t give him an
appointment. It was not because he was an anti-socialist — the
Chicago School was just forming then, under the agricultural economist
Theodore Schultz, and was realizing that it was an anti-socialist
outpost — it was because he was thinking beyond economics and
econometrics. (Departments of economics haven�t changed since 1950.)
In the 1950s, he worked on political philosophy at Chicago, then
returned to the German-speaking world, and especially his well-named
hometown Freiburg, for the final third of his career.

That career can be summed up as a stellar rise to 1944 and a shocking
fall, which was followed by a long period of relative and then
depressing obscurity, out of which emerged the grand old man of what
the Europeans call neoliberalism. Hayek confessed in an interview, “I
had a period of twenty years in which I bitterly regretted having once
mentioned to my [first] wife after [John Maynard] Keynes� death [in
1946 that] I was probably the best-known economist living. But ten
days later it was probably no longer true.” What happened? Keynes�
stock rose after his death, just as the academics were getting cross
about the popular success of The Road to Serfdom. A dead saint was
hard for Hayek to match. Yet in Hayek�s and the century�s middle 70s,
he began a triumphant old age. Even his health improved. “For a while
I tried old age,” he said, “but it disagreed with me.”

Ebenstein�s compulsively readable book gives you a man almost in
full. It�s a mainly intellectual biography with intriguing personal
supplements. It consists of 40 or so little essays, perfect for
bedtime dipping — “University of Vienna,” “New York,” “Robbins” (his
pro-Austrian friend at the London School of Economics), “Mont Pelerin
Society” (the influential club of neoliberals Hayek co-founded in the
darkest days after World War II), “Chicago School of Economics” (of
which he was of course no member: He was an Austrian economist, and we
Chicago Schoolers looked down on their lack of quantitative rigor),
“Mill” (about whom he did important scholarly work), “Law, Legislation
and Liberty,” “Laureate,” “Friedman,” “Thatcher,” “Opa” (that is,
Grandpa), and “The Fatal Conceit” (his last book, a brief against the
conceit of excessive rationalism).

We hear about Hayek�s first marriage ending in a contested divorce,
and of an idyllic second marriage to a boyhood sweetheart and
cousin. A big, tall man (he weighed 200 pounds in his prime), Hayek
was “aristocratic in temper and origins,” but no Prussian. Unlike his
senior in the Austrian school, Ludwig von Mises (notice all those
vons, sir!), he did not demand sycophancy, nor did he get it much
until his Nobel Prize. What comes through is a Viennese sense of
humor, sardonic and self-deprecating.

The very non-libertarian Keynes, a sort of friend and certainly an
intellectual opponent of Hayek, remarked famously that “madmen in
authority…distill…their frenzy from some academic scribbler a few
years back.” The madmen (and women, if you please) who brought on
neoliberalism were Margaret Thatcher, Ludwig Erhard, Jacques Rueff,
Luigi Einaudi, Barry Goldwater, and Ronald Reagan. The scribblers from
whom their frenzy was distilled were Mises, Ayn Rand, Milton Friedman,
and Hayek.

Many, including Hayek himself, have noted that the chief theorist
against socialism had some of the statist about him. He was no
anarchist. Rand, for example, viewed him as “real poison” for his many
concessions to the state. Ebenstein argues somewhat strangely that
Hayek discovered the link between state-enforced law and real personal
liberty. (One would have thought that the entire Western liberal
tradition is based on such a notion.)

Hayek always courted socialists and had many leftish friends, the
economic historian Richard Tawney, for example. He was certainly no
conservative: On the last page of The Constitution of Liberty (1960)
he argued that our “hopes must rest on persuading and gaining the
support of those who by disposition are �progressives,� those who,
though they may now be seeking change in the wrong direction, are at
least willing to examine critically the existing [sic: Hayek was never
smooth in English] and change it whenever necessary.”

As a student he was much influenced by Friedrich von Wieser, the more
leftish of the two who ran Austrian economics. (The other was Eugen
Boehm-Bawerk, who was Wieser�s brother-in-law. They dominated Austrian
economics between 1890 and 1920 the way another such pair, Paul
Samuelson and Kenneth Arrow, dominated American economics between 1940
and 1970. The last Clinton secretary of the Treasury and the new
president of Harvard, Larry Summers, is their nephew.)

Hayek rejected the notion that equality of results necessarily leads
to mediocrity and he was concerned throughout with human dignity. In a
radio debate in 1945, for example, he declared flatly, “I am in favor
of a minimum income for every person in the country.” He approved of
the military draft, and wanted ownership of guns restricted. He was
green, offering endorsements after his Nobel Prize to the World
Wildlife Fund. Hayek admired Marx as an economist, saying of Capital
that its “long middle part is really essentially flawless.”

Isaiah Berlin in his first book, Marx (1939), described Marxism as
“not a hypothesis liable to be made less or more probable by the
evidence of facts, but a pattern, uncovered by a non-empirical,
historical method, the validity of which is not questioned.” That
doesn�t make Marxism “non-scientific.” It makes it storytelling. An
identical sentence could be written about the most fruitful scientific
theory of the past two centuries, Darwinism: a non-hypothesis, a
pattern, a historical method, the validity of which is not
questioned. The point is you could write still another, identical
sentence (in fact I�m positing it now) about the lifework of the 20th
century�s great anti-Marxist. By his own account, Hayek in his youth
almost became a Darwinian biologist.

So Hayek was an anti-positivist, an anti-behaviorist, an
anti-most-things-that-passed-for-Science until post-modernism and its
revival of The Story as the basic form of organizing and revising
knowledge. We are the economic molecules, said Hayek, and can tell
our story without having to pretend that only “observation” is real
knowledge. Yet as Milton Friedman has remarked, the Austrian method
“makes it very hard to build up a cumulative discipline….[In
empirical science] if you and I disagree…I say to you, what facts
can I find that will convince you?” After Hayek�s days in the 1920s as
a statistical student of business cycles, he lost interest in such
arguments. He claimed, for example, in The Constitution of Liberty
that, “The rapid economic advances that we have come to expect seem in
a large measure to be the result of inequality and to be impossible
without it.” He gives no shred of evidence, this man who read and
indeed wrote knowingly on economic history.

Had he said such a thing in a seminar in the presence of Friedman (as
he no doubt did, if not at Chicago then in the annual meeting of the
Mont Pelerin Society) Milton would surely have asked, as he always
asks everyone, “How do you know?” The doubting Milton would have
stayed for an answer, a quantitative one. The great failing of the
Austrian School, which Hayek did nothing to help, was its insistence
that one form of argument, the non-quantitative, was the only good
form. (The great failing of the other schools of economics, by
contrast, is their insistence that one form of argument, the
quantitative, is the only good form.)

Hayek summarized his own intellectual life as one “discovery” and two
mere “inventions.” The discovery was that a division of information is
as crucial to society as a division of labor, which suggests –
Hayek�s method would allow him to say implies — that central-plan
socialism will work badly. Planners, Hayek understood, simply can
never possess adequate information. One of the inventions was the
claim in his three-volume Law, Legislation and Liberty (1973-1979)
that certain legislative elections should be restricted to
45-year-olds and that only people who get no benefits from government
should vote. You can see that this particular academic scribbler had
no interest in political feasibility.

The other invention, more influential, was the suggestion that moneys
should compete. A government should not be able to force its citizens
to take its money. Contemporary governments, like those in Russia and
Argentina, that have adopted the American dollar and thereby have
removed their temptations to print too many rubles and pesos, are
following Hayek. Here he disagreed with Friedman, who retains a
peculiar fondness for a state monopoly of the money supply. The gold
standard worked, Hayek would say, because people wanted to do business
in gold, or its close substitute called pounds sterling, not because a
monopoly of mines had agreed to follow a rule of monetary expansion,
or because a wise Greenspan was in charge of the monopoly.

What was really important was his one “discovery,” so damaging to the
rationalist project of central planning. Hayek�s discovery that
information is fragmented connects his biologic with his economic
thinking: a “neuron, or buyer or seller” in a brain or in an economy
“is induced [by evolution, not by magic] to do what in the total
circumstances benefits the system…to serve the needs of which it
doesn�t know anything at all.” He described in an interview with Jack
High (reproduced in another good introduction to Hayek, Stephen Kresge
and Leif Wener�s edited Hayek on Hayek [1994]) how in the 1930s “my
whole thinking on this started with…joking about economists speaking
about given data.” Hayek realized the term was an absurdity: “Data”
means in Latin “things given,” so the phrase means “given things
given.” But given to whom? Not to the central planners, certainly, but
dispersed in each individual�s mind, and gatherable only by dickering
in the market.

Dickering, or as Adam Smith put it, “the propensity to truck, barter,
and exchange one thing for another” is “a necessary consequence of the
faculty of reason and of speech.” Smith was vividly aware of the
faculty of speech, but nonetheless confined his system to the more
behavioral and observable and quantitative division of labor. Hayek,
who first came upon the idea (Smith�s and the inklings of his own)
when attempting during the Great War to lead men in an Austrian
brigade speaking a dozen different languages, nonetheless confined his
extension of Smith to the division of information.

This is a fault. I know, for example, that I like purple dresses. You
as a dressmaker need to acquire that information if I am to be
served. Good point, and a very great obstacle to central planners, who
have no good way of getting information, as Hayek expressed it in his
famous essay of 1948, about “particular circumstances of time and
place,” such as that Deirdre likes purple.

Right. But let�s go all the way: Why would you want to serve me, or I
you? It is, I would claim against Friedrich Hayek and Israel Kirzner
and others of the Austrian School who have taught us so much about
alertness and information, the division of persuasion, not only of
labor and information, that runs a modern economy. “By pursuing
profit,” Hayek wrote, “we are as altruistic as we can possibly be,
because we extend our concern to people who are beyond our range of
personal conception.” Yes, I entirely agree, as did Smith. But if the
dressmaker merely has the “information” that I like purple, she can
ignore it unless something leads her will. Profit and the other
persuasive resources of language make her “pay attention,” as we say.

Adam Smith expressed the linguistic character of market persuasion
this way: “If we should enquire into the principle in the human mind
on which this disposition to trucking is founded, it is clearly the
natural inclination every one has to persuade. The offering of a
shilling, which to us appears to have so plain and simple a meaning,
is in reality offering an argument to persuade someone to do so and so
as it is for his interest….And in this manner every one is
practicing oratory on others thro the whole of his life.”

The baby�s crying in a family, the instinct of workmanship at the
factory, the threat of dismissal as a housekeeper, the lure of profit
in making dresses, the offer of a shilling: These are all persuasions
to courses of action, connecting heart and hand. Without persuasion,
the theory of economics is incomplete. And so it is incomplete without
an account of language, language viewed not merely as “conveying” or
“communicating” information originally “dispersed” (in Hayek�s
terminology), but language as rhetoric — that is, as capable of
moving us to action. The socialists� favored form of speech is an
order: “Go mine coal.” The Austrian economist�s favored form is an
informative statement: “I like purple.” Neither of these quite do the
economic task. You can be in the right job, and know exactly what to
do. But unless the boss or the culture or the market or you yourself
in the council of your soul has exercised sweet talk on your will,
there you sit, ready to work. Enlightened, yes, but unmoved.

Completing the Austrian system in this way makes clearer that it is a
system for a free society. If something called the division of “labor”
is the sole key to economics, then the authoritarian claim to
improving the way labor is assigned sounds plausible enough. Let�s
see. We will need 1,657,987 coal miners next year if we are to produce
18,987,876 metric tons of steel. Or so at least it seemed to
intellectuals in the 1930s. The socialist hope sounds much less
plausible if, as in Hayek, the key is a division of information. But
as the Hollywood Nazis say, “Vee have vays” of extracting information,
maybe, short of giving people their freedom. Or so it seemed to the
intellectuals plugging “market socialism” in the 1950s.

But if an economy depends on a division of persuasion, an ability to
exercise sweet talk with a variety of people every day, and with
people we have never met, then it is suddenly clear why personal
freedom, the dignity that comes from owning private property, and the
quantitative miracle of capitalist economic growth have pretty much
gone together.

The intellectual defenses of a new age of libertarianism need sweet
talk, a unity of word and number, story and metaphor, on the lips of
free men and women. The story of Hayek�s astonishing life and work
says just that: Persuade and be free.

_Friedrich Hayek: A Biography_ is available at significant discount
from Laissez Faire Books, on the web at:

http://laissezfairebooks.com/product.cfm?op=view&pid=FA8382&aid=10097

and from Amazon books, on the web at:

http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0312233442/thefriedrhayeksc

Deirdre McCloskey teaches economics, history, and English at the
University of Illinois, and economics, philosophy, and art and
cultural studies at Erasmus University, Rotterdam. Her latest books
are _How to be Human* – *Though an Economist_ (University of Michigan,
2001), at discount from Amazon at:

http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0472067443/thefriedrhayeksc

and _Measurement and Meaning in Economics: The Essential Deirdre
McCloskey_, (Edward Elgar, 2001), available from Amazon at:

http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/1852788186/thefriedrhayeksc

“Persuade and Be Free: A new road to Friedrich Hayek” By Deirdre
McCloskey. _Reason_ (Oct) 2001.

http://reason.com/0110/cr.dm.persuade.html

Islamic Finance

Via Robert Hettinga's DBS list:

http://www.en.monde-diplomatique.fr/2001/09/09islamicbanking

September 2001

THE PROPHET AND THE PROFITS

Islamic finance

————————————————————————
Islamic banking and financial institutions grew along with political
Islam: it declined, they did not. In fact, Islamic finance is now a
confident part of the new global world of venture capital, ethical
investment and profit-and-loss sharing. by IBRAHIM WARDE *
————————————————————————

The assets of Islamic financial institutions now top the $230bn
mark. That is more than a 40-fold increase since 1982 (1). Most of the
large Western financial institutions, following the example of
Citibank, have their own Islamic subsidiaries or, at the very least,
Islamic “windows” or products aimed at their Islamic clientele. As
proof of how many companies are compatible with Islamic law – and not
just from within the Muslim world – there is now even a Dow Jones
Islamic market index.

This may seem strange. We often hear it said that Islam is
incompatible with the new world order that emerged with the end of the
cold war (2). How can practices rooted in the Middle Ages thrive in
the age of technology-driven global finance? Or institutions that are
suspicious of interest operate within a global, interest-based
financial system? And how can Islamic finance, often considered a
facet of political Islam, experience its most rapid growth just as
that same political Islam is on the wane (3) ?

Modern Islamic finance began in the early 1970s at the intersection of
two important developments in the Muslim world: the rise of
pan-Islamism and the oil boom. The 1967 Six Day war marked the end of
the secular pan-Arab Nasserite movement and the start of the regional
dominance of Saudi Arabia under a pan-Islamic banner (4). With the
start of the Organisation of the Islamic Countries movement (OIC) in
1970, the idea of updating traditional Islamic banking soon became
part of the agenda. It was something that had preoccupied Islamic
scholars, particularly in Pakistan, for a number of years.

Research institutes focusing on Islamic economics and finance began to
spread throughout the Muslim world. In 1974 the OIC summit in Lahore
voted, after oil prices quadrupled, to create the inter-governmental
Islamic Development Bank (IDB). Based in Jedda, this became the
cornerstone of a new banking system inspired by religious
principles. In 1975 the Dubai Islamic Bank – the first modern,
non-governmental Islamic bank – was opened. In 1979 Pakistan became
the first country to embark on a full Islamisation of its banking
sector; and Sudan and Iran followed suit in 1983.

The first paradigm of modern Islamic banking was established in those
years. Islamic jurisprudents reinterpreted a rich legal but
pre-capitalist tradition to suit the requirements of the modern
era. There was a central problem: although commerce had always been
central to the Islamic tradition (the Prophet Mohammad was himself a
merchant), profits from pure finance were viewed with suspicion. The
Koran says, for example, that despite their superficial resemblance,
profits from commerce are fundamentally different from those generated
by money-lending (sura 2, verse 275). More specifically, Islam
prohibits riba. Though the term literally means “increase”, it has
been variously interpreted: sometimes as usury (or excessive
interest), more often as any kind of interest. The majority of Islamic
scholars still equate riba with interest, even though major scholars -
including the current head of Egypt's Al-Azhar, one of Islam's oldest
and most prestigious centres of learning – have condoned the use of
certain forms of interest.

Pricing time

Islamic scholars accepted that time must be priced, but objected to
the fixed, pre-determined aspects of interest-based lending with its
inherent risk of lender exploiting borrower (5). In the early days of
Islam, the dominant form of finance consisted in a partnership between
lender and borrower, based on the fair sharing of both profits and
losses – a logic similar to today's venture capital where financiers
link their fate to the firms in which they invest. For instance, in
medieval Arabia, wealthy merchants financing the caravan trade would
share in the profits of a successful operation, but could also lose
all or part of their investment if the merchandise was stolen, lost or
sold for less than its cost.

A distinctive feature of Islamic banking was to be its focus on
developmental and social goals. Profit-and-loss-sharing (PLS), or
partnership finance, with its focus on cash-poor but promising
entrepreneurs, held more economic potential than conventional,
collateral-based lending, which favours established
businesses. Islamic finance also promised to benefit local communities
and draw into the banking system people who had shunned riba-based
finance. In addition, banks were to contribute to, as well as manage,
zakat funds (6) earmarked for a variety of charitable and social
purposes.

The first Islamic banks were committed to partnership finance -
mudaraba(commenda partnership) and musharaka (joint venture) – though
most of their operations consisted of cost-plus operations such as
murabaha, where the bank would purchase the goods needed by the
borrower, then resell them to the borrower at a profit. Remuneration
of deposits (current, saving or investment accounts) was based on a
profit-and-loss sharing logic: investment accounts were remunerated
based on the performance of specific investments by the bank; and
holders of savings accounts shared in the bank's overall profits.

After a few years Islamic finance began to look like no more than an
exercise in semantics: Islamic banks were really no different from
conventional banks, except in the euphemisms they used to disguise
interest. Forays into profit-and-loss sharing were disappointing, and
often abandoned. The image of Islamic banks was also tainted by the
failure of Islamic Money Management Companies (IMMCs) in Egypt in 1988
and by scandals such as the BCCI (Bank of Credit and Commerce
International) collapse in 1991. People dismissed Islamic finance as a
passing fad associated with the oil boom.

In reality, it was on the cusp of a major boom. Deregulation and
technological change had produced a major readjustment in
international finance. And the Islamic world had been transformed by
new political, economic and demographic circumstances (the impact of
the Iranian revolution, the Gulf war, the collapse of the Soviet
Union, the emergence of new Islamic states, a changing oil market, the
rise of Asian tigers, a growing Islamic presence in the West, the
emergence of new Islamic middle classes).

The traditional world of finance, dominated by commercial,
interest-based banking, could raise potentially troublesome
theological issues. But Islamic finance thrived in the new world, with
its downgrading of interest income, financial innovation and blurring
of distinctions between commercial banking and other areas of
finance. The downgrading of interest (and the concomitant rise of fees
as a major source of revenue for financial institutions) allowed
Islamic bankers to sidestep the controversial riba issue. Deregulation
fostered the creation of tailor-made Islamic products. Until the 1970s
financial institutions could sell only a narrow range of financial
products. With the lifting of constraints on products that could be
devised to suit every need, religious or not, Islamic products could
be created. For example, the process of slicing and splicing makes it
possible to split the interest and principal components of a bond, and
sell them separately.

Moralising finance

At the ideological level, the Islamist critique of statism converged
with the emerging “Washington consensus”. The Islamic commitment to
private property, free enterprise and the sanctity of contracts meshed
with the emphasis on privatisation, deregulation and the rule of
law. The reliance on zakat and other religiously-based redistribution
schemes matched increased preference, since the Thatcher-Reagan years,
for the downsizing of the welfare state. In many countries, Islam
became a tool for entrepreneurs seeking to get around restrictive
regulation, and the best excuse to disengage the state from the
economy. Malaysia and Bahrain used Islam as a tool of financial
modernisation – essentially as a way of countering the rentier
inclinations of the private sector and the anti-competitive leanings
of entrenched elites who benefited from the status quo. The Financial
Times noted that Islamic institutions are now often at the forefront
of innovation and dynamism.

Perhaps the main impetus behind the current boom in Islamic finance
lies in the excesses of global finance (7). Just as current business
excesses have spawned a preoccupation with ethics, the amorality of
contemporary finance has generated an interest in “moralising”
finance. And whereas Western or Judeo-Christian finance has become
thoroughly secularised (the religious origin of many financial
institutions has long receded from people's minds), the idea of
Islamic finance was bound, at a time of rising pietism (8), to strike
a chord. Islam has a positive view of economic activities, while
providing for a strict ethical framework; and Islamic finance offers a
fruitful compromise between finance and ethics.

This explains the current tendency to focus on the spirit, or “moral
economy”, of Islam. In contrast to the 1970s, when literal, legalistic
and scholastic interpretations dominated, the ijtihad (interpretation)
now underway focuses on making modern financial instruments compatible
with Islamic principles. The modernist slant disavows the view that
whatever did not exist in the early days of Islam is necessarily
un-Islamic. Challenging common perceptions that Islam is rigid and
fossilised, it emphasises those adaptive mechanisms – such as
departures from tradition for reasons of local custom ('urf), public
interest (maslaha) or necessity (darura) – that have allowed the
religion to thrive on every continent for 14 centuries.

Whereas the early years of Islamic finance were dominated by
oil-producing Arab states (primarily Saudi Arabia ), and to a lesser
extent Egypt and Pakistan, the new paradigm reflects the diversity of
the Islamic world. A wide range of Islamic products is now available
in at least 75 countries. Even countries that have Islamised their
entire financial systems have done so under different circumstances
and in vastly different ways. In addition, much innovation and
scholarship now originates within Muslim minorities outside the
Islamic world.

Today the fastest growing segments of the industry are outside
traditional banking products and in areas of finance that were either
initially dismissed as unacceptable to Islam (such as insurance or
takaful) or that barely existed in the 1970s (such as micro-lending
and Islamic mutual funds). Funds invested in stocks acceptable to
Islam (shunning unethical or highly-indebted firms, or engaged in
gambling, alcohol sales and other prohibited activities) are
increasingly popular, just like their “socially-responsible” secular
counterparts. Islamic finance still faces a host of challenges
(strategic, economic, regulatory, political, religious), but the
current boom does not seem likely to abate.
————————————————————————

* Research Associate at Harvard University, author of Islamic Finance
* in the Global Economy (Edinburgh University Press, 2000).

(1) www.islamicbanking-finance.com

(2) Samuel Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of
World Order, Simon and Schuster Touchstone, New York, 1997, p 211.

(3) See for example Olivier Roy, L'Echec de l'Islam politique, Seuil,
Paris, 1992.

(4) Edward Mortimer, Faith and Power: The Politics of Islam, Faber &
Faber, London, 1982, pp 177-220.

(5) Until recently, the Christian and Judaic traditions had comparable
misgivings about interest. See Rodney Wilson, Economics, Ethics and
Religion: Jewish, Christian and Muslim Economic Thought, New York
University Press, 1997.

(6) Zakat, or almsgiving, is of the five pillars of Islam. The others
are the profession of faith, daily prayers, fasting during Ramadan,
and for those who can afford it, a pilgrimage to Mecca.

(7) Roula Khalaf, “Dynamism is held back by state control: As family
dynasties stifle creativity in most of the industry, the Islamic
sector is showing signs of the greatest vibrancy”, Financial Times, 11
April 2000.

(8) Yahya Sadowski “'Just' a Religion: For the Tablighi Jama'at, Islam
is not totalitarian,” The Brookings Review, summer 1996, vol 14 no.3,
pp 34-35.

Ellison: I'll barcode your forehead — free

Oracle boss urges national ID cards, offers free software

Broaching a controversial subject that has gained visibility since the
Sept. 11 terrorist attacks, Oracle Chairman and CEO Larry Ellison is
calling for the United States to create a national identification card
system — and offering to donate the software to make it possible.


Under Ellison's proposal, millions of Americans would be fingerprinted
and the information would be placed on a database used by airport
security officials to verify identities of travelers at airplane
gates.

“We need a national ID card with our photograph and thumbprint
digitized and embedded in the ID card,'' Ellison said in an interview
Friday night on the evening news of KPIX-TV in San Francisco.

“We need a database behind that, so when you're walking into an
airport and you say that you are Larry Ellison, you take that card and
put it in a reader and you put your thumb down and that system
confirms that this is Larry Ellison,'' he said.

`Absolutely free' Ellison's company, Oracle, based in Redwood Shores,
is the world's leading maker of database software. Ellison, worth $15
billion, is among the world's richest people.

“We're quite willing to provide the software for this absolutely
free,'' he said.

Calls for national ID cards traditionally have been met with fierce
resistance from civil liberties groups, who say the cards would
intrude on the privacy of Americans and allow the government to track
people's movements.

But Ellison said in the electronic age, little privacy is left anyway.

“Well, this privacy you're concerned about is largely an illusion,''
he said. “All you have to give up is your illusions, not any of your
privacy. Right now, you can go onto the Internet and get a credit
report about your neighbor and find out where your neighbor works, how
much they earn and if they had a late mortgage payment and tons of
other information.''

Attempts by the Mercury News to reach Ellison for further comment
Saturday were unsuccessful. Many questions about the proposal remain
unanswered, such as whether foreign nationals would be required to
have a card to enter the country. The hijackers in the Sept. 11
attacks are not believed to have been U.S. citizens.

In the TV interview with anchorman Hank Plante, Ellison said shoppers
have to disclose more information at malls to buy a watch than they do
to get on an airplane.

“Let me ask you. There are two different airlines. Airline A says
before you board that airplane you prove you are who you say you
are. Airline B, no problem. Anyone who wants the price of a ticket,
they can go on that airline. Which airplane do you get on?''

Oracle has a longstanding relationship with the federal
government. Indeed, the CIA was Ellison's first customer, and the
company's name stems from a CIA-funded project launched in the
mid-1970s that sought better ways of storing and retrieving digital
data.

Civil libertarians said caution is needed.

“It strikes me as a form of overreaction to the events that we have
experienced,'' said Robert Post, a constitutional law professor at the
University of California-Berkeley. “If we allow a terrorist attack to
destroy forms of freedom that we have enjoyed, we will have given the
victory to them. This kind of recommendation does just that.''

Post said while such a system may catch some criminals, it could be
hacked or faked or evaded by capable terrorists. Nor is it clear that
such a system would have foiled the Sept. 11 attacks, he said.

Strong support But polls last week show many Americans support a
national ID card.

In a survey released Wednesday by the Pew Research Center for the
People & the Press, seven of 10 Americans favored a requirement that
citizens carry a national identity card at all times to show to a
police officer upon request. The proposal had particularly strong
support from women. There was less support for government monitoring
of telephone calls, e-mails and credit card purchases.

The FBI already has an electronic fingerprint system for criminals.

In July 1999, the FBI's Integrated Automated Fingerprint
Identification System became operational. That system keeps an
electronic database of 41 million fingerprints, with prints from all
10 fingers of people who have been convicted of crimes.

Faster response The system has reduced the FBI's criminal fingerprint
processing time from 45 days to less than two hours.

Paul Bresson, an FBI spokesman in Washington, said Saturday that he is
unaware of the details of Ellison's proposal and declined comment.

Howard Gantman, a spokesman for Sen. Dianne Feinstein, D-Calif., said
that she would be interested in discussing the idea with Ellison.

“She does feel that we do need to make some important advances in
terms of increasing our security,'' Gantman said. “A lot of people
have brought up ideas about how to create more security and she's
interested in exploring them. She'd like to find out more.''

One group certain to fight the proposal is the American Civil
Liberties Union.

A statement about ID cards posted on the ACLU's national Web site
says: “A national ID card would essentially serve as an internal
passport. It would create an easy new tool for government surveillance
and could be used to target critics of the government, as has happened
periodically throughout our nation's history.''

Mama's baby, papa's maybe

From the New York Times Review of The Dangerous Passion: Why Jealousy
Is as Necessary as Love and Sex By DAVID M. BUSS

Think of a committed romantic relationship that you have now, or that
you had in the past. Now imagine that your romantic partner becomes
interested in someone else. What would upset or distress you more:
(a) discovering that your partner is forming a deep emotional
attachment, confiding and sharing confidences with another? or (b)
discovering that your partner is enjoying passionate sex with the
other person, trying out different sexual positions you had only
dreamed about? Both scenarios are distressing, of course, but which
one is more distressing? If you are like the majority of women we
surveyed recently in the United States, the Netherlands, Germany,
Japan, Korea, and Zimbabwe, you will find the emotional infidelity
more upsetting. The answer seems obvious, at least to women. The
majority of men, however, find the prospect of a partner's sexual
infidelity more agonizing. The gulf between the sexes in emotional
reactions to infidelity reveals something profound about human mating
strategies.

The Dangerous Passion

Jealousy is not only inbred in human nature, but it is the
most basic, all-pervasive emotion which touches man in all
aspects of every human relationship.

– Boris Sokoloff, 1947, Jealousy: A Psychological Study

Every human alive is an evolutionary success story. If any of
our ancestors had failed to survive an ice age, a drought, a
predator, or a plague, they would not be our ancestors. If any
had failed to cooperate with at least some others in the group
or dropped below a minimal position in the social hierarchy,
they would have met certain death by being cast out from the
group. If even one had failed to succeed in choosing,
courting, and keeping a mate, the previously inviolate chain
of descent would have irreparably broken, and we would not be
alive to tell the tale. Each of us owes our existence to
thousands of generations of successful ancestors. As their
descendants, we have inherited the passions that led to their
success – passions that drive us, often blindly, through a
lifelong journey in the struggle for survival, the pursuit of
position, and the search for relationships.

We usually think of passion as restricted to sex or love, the
burning embrace or constant craving. But it has a broader
meaning, referring to the drives and emotional fires that
propel us in our quests through life. They sometimes glow
quietly, but at other times they burst into full flame. They
range from tranquil devotion to violent eruption. Their
expression yields life's deepest joys, but also the cruelest
suffering. And although we commonly think of passion as a
force opposed to reason and rationality, something to be tamed
or overcome, passions when properly understood have a
crystalline logic, precise purpose, and supreme sensibility.

The drives that stir us out of bed at dawn and hurl us
headlong into our daily struggles have two sides. On the
positive side, passions inspire us to achieve life's goals.
They impel us to satisfy our desire for sex, our yearning for
prestige, and our quest for love. The dazzling plays of
Shakespeare, the mezmerizing art of Georgia O'Keeffe, and the
brilliant inventions of Thomas Edison would not exist if
passion had not stirred them from repose and impelled
creation. Without passion, we would lie listless in bed, for
there would be no motivation to do anything at all.

But passions carry a darker, more sinister side. The same
passions that inspire us with love can lead to the disastrous
choice of a mate, the desperation of unrequited obsession, or
the terror of stalking. Jealousy can keep a couple committed
or drive a man to savagely beat his wife. An attraction to a
neighbor's spouse can generate intoxicating sexual euphoria
while destroying two marriages. The yearning for prestige can
produce exhilarating peaks of power while evoking the
corrosive envy of a rival and a fall from a greater
height. The Dangerous Passion explores both the destructive
and triumphant sides of human desires.

Together with many colleagues, my research over the past
decade has centered on exploring the nature, origins, and
consequences of the passions of men and women, with a special
focus on jealousy, infidelity, love, sex, and status. Our
goal has been to seek a deeper understanding of what makes men
and women tick, the desires that drive people to heights of
success or depths of despair, and the evolved mechanisms of
mind that define who we are. This book illuminates the dark
side of sexual treachery, the mysterious puzzle of romantic
love, and the central role of jealousy in our intimate
relationships.

Some argue that these mysteries should be left alone, pristine
and untrammeled, shielded from the harsh glare of scientific
scrutiny. But is the woman who has her freedom and sense of
safety crushed by a jealous husband better off unequipped with
the knowledge of how to prevent her torment? Is the man
obsessed by unrequited love better off failing to understand
the underlying reasons for his rejection? Ignorance may
sometimes be bliss, but it can also cause needless anguish. My
hope is that revealing the underlying logic of dangerous
passions will be intellectually illuminating, provide one path
for understanding the distress we experience at the hands of
our lovers and rivals, and just possibly improve in some small
measure the tools for coping with the untamed demons in our
lives.

At the center of The Dangerous Passion is an exploration of a
hazardous region of human sexuality – the desires people
experience for those who are not their regular partners and
the jealous shield designed to combat its treacherous
consequences.

The Green-Eyed Monster

Think of a committed romantic relationship that you have now,
or that you had in the past. Now imagine that your romantic
partner becomes interested in someone else. What would upset
or distress you more: (a) discovering that your partner is
forming a deep emotional attachment, confiding and sharing
confidences with another? or (b) discovering that your partner
is enjoying passionate sex with the other person, trying out
different sexual positions you had only dreamed about? Both
scenarios are distressing, of course, but which one is more
distressing? If you are like the majority of women we surveyed
recently in the United States, the Netherlands, Germany,
Japan, Korea, and Zimbabwe, you will find the emotional
infidelity more upsetting. The answer seems obvious, at least
to women. The majority of men, however, find the prospect of
a partner's sexual infidelity more agonizing. The gulf between
the sexes in emotional reactions to infidelity reveals
something profound about human mating strategies.

The explanation for sex differences in jealousy lies deep in
the evolutionary past of the human species. Consider first a
fundamental sex difference in our reproductive biology:
fertilization takes place inside women's bodies, not men's.
Now, internal female fertilization is not universal in the
biological world. In some species, such as the Mormon
crickets, fertilization occurs internally within the male. The
female takes her egg and literally implants it within the
male, who then incubates it until birth. In other species,
fertilization occurs externally to both sexes. The female
salmon, for example, drops her collection of eggs after
swimming upstream. The male follows and deposits his sperm on
top, and then they die, having fulfilled the only mission in
life that evolution gave them. But humans are not like
salmon. Nor are we like Mormon crickets. In all 4,000 species
of mammals, of which we are one, and in all 257 species of
primates, of which we are also one, fertilization occurs
internally within the female, not the male. This posed a grave
problem for ancestral men – the problem of uncertainty in
paternity.

From an ancestral man's perspective, the single most damaging
form of infidelity his partner could commit, in the currency
of reproduction, would have been a sexual infidelity. A
woman's sexual infidelity jeopardizes a man's confidence that
he is the genetic father of her children. A cuckolded man
risks investing years, or even decades, in another man's
children. Lost would be all the effort he expended in
selecting and attracting his partner. Moreover, he would lose
his partner's labors, now channeled to a rival's children
rather than his own.

Women, on the other hand, have always been 100 percent sure
that they are the mothers of their children (internal
fertilization guarantees that their children are genetically
their own). No woman ever gave birth and, watching the child
emerge from her womb, wondered whether the child was really
hers. One African culture captures this sex difference with a
phrase more telling than any technical summary: “Mama's baby,
papa's maybe.” Biology has granted women a confidence in
genetic parenthood that no man can share with absolute
certainty.

Our ancestral mothers confronted a different problem, the loss
of a partner's commitment to a rival woman and her
children. Because emotional involvement is the most reliable
signal of this disastrous loss, women key in on cues to a
partner's feelings for other women. A husband's one-night
sexual stand is agonizing, of course, but most women want to
know: “Do you love her?” Most women find a singular lapse in
fidelity without emotional involvement easier to forgive than
the nightmare of another woman capturing her partner's
tenderness, time, and affection. We evolved from ancestral
mothers whose jealousy erupted at signals of the loss of love,
mothers who acted to ensure the man's commitment.

But who cares who fathers a child or where a man's commitments
get channeled? Shouldn't we love all children equally? Perhaps
in some utopian future, we might, but that is not how the
human mind is designed. Husbands in our evolutionary past who
failed to care whether a wife succumbed to sex with other men
and wives who remained stoic when confronted with their
husband's emotional infidelity may be admirable in a certain
light. Perhaps these self-possessed men and women were more
mature. Some theories, in fact, propose that jealousy is an
immature emotion, a sign of insecurity, neurosis, or flawed
character. Nonjealous men and women, however, are not our
ancestors, having been left in the evolutionary dust by rivals
with different passionate sensibilities. We all come from a
long lineage of ancestors who possessed the dangerous passion.

Jealousy, according to this theory, is an adaptation. An
adaptation, in the parlance of evolutionary psychology, is an
evolved solution to a recurrent problem of survival or
reproduction. Humans, for example, have evolved food
preferences for sugar, fat, and protein that are adaptive
solutions to the survival problem of food selection. We have
evolved specialized fears of snakes, spiders, and strangers
that are adaptive solutions to ancestral problems inflicted by
dangerous species, including ourselves. We have evolved
specialized preferences for certain qualities in potential
mates, which helped to solve the problems posed by
reproduction. Adaptations, in short, exist in modern humans
today because they helped our ancestors to combat all of the
many “hostile forces of nature,” enabling them to successfully
survive and reproduce. Adaptations are coping devices passed
down over millennia because they worked – not perfectly, of
course, but they helped ancestral humans to struggle through
the evolutionary bottlenecks of survival and reproduction.

Jealousy, according to this perspective, is not a sign of
immaturity, but rather a supremely important passion that
helped our ancestors, and most likely continues to help us
today, to cope with a host of real reproductive threats.
Jealousy, for example, motivates us to ward off rivals with
verbal threats and cold primate stares. It drives us to keep
partners from straying with tactics such as escalating
vigilance or showering a partner with affection. And it
communicates commitment to a partner who may be wavering,
serving an important purpose in the maintenance of
love. Sexual jealousy is often a successful, although
sometimes explosive, solution to persistent predicaments that
each one of our ancestors was forced to confront.

We are typically not conscious of these reproductive
quandaries. Nor are we usually aware of the evolutionary logic
that led to this dangerous passion. A man does not think, “Oh,
if my wife has sex with someone else, then my certainty that
I'm the genetic father will be jeopardized, and this will
endanger the replication of my genes; I'm really mad.” Or if
his partner takes birth-control pills, “Well, because Joan is
taking the pill, it doesn't really matter whether she has sex
with other men; after all, my certainty in paternity is
secure.” Nor does a woman think, “It's really upsetting that
Dennis is in love with that other woman; this jeopardizes my
hold on his emotional commitments to me and my children, and
hence hurts my reproductive success.” Instead, jealousy is a
blind passion, just as our hunger for sweets and craving for
companionship are blind. Jealousy is emotional wisdom, not
consciously articulated, passed down to us over millions of
years by our successful forebears. One goal of The Dangerous
Passion is to bring to the surface the deep roots of the
inherited emotional wisdom we possess.

The Othello Syndrome

Despite its value for people past and present, jealousy is an
emotion that exposes partners to extreme danger. The dark side
of jealousy causes men to explode violently to reduce the odds
that their partners will stray. Women seeking refuge at
shelters for battered women almost invariably report that
their husbands seethe with jealousy. In one study of battered
women, many of whom required medical attention, the typical
woman reported that her husband “tries to limit my contact
with friends and family” (the tactic of concealment), “insists
on knowing where I am at all times” (the tactic of vigilance),
and “calls me names to put me down and make me feel bad about
myself” (the tactic of undermining self-esteem). Jealousy is
the leading cause of spousal battering, but it's even worse
than that. Men's jealousy puts women at risk of being killed.

Consider the following remarks made to police by a 31-year-old
man who stabbed his 20-year-old wife to death, after they had
been reunited following a six-month separation.

Then she said that since she came back in April she had
fucked this other man about ten times. I told her how can
you talk about love and marriage and you been fucking this
other man. I was really mad. I went to the kitchen and got
the knife. I went back to our room and asked: Were you
serious when you told me that? She said yes. We fought on
the bed, I was stabbing her. Her grand-father came up and
tried to take the knife out of my hand. I told him to go
and call the cops for me. I don't know why I killed the
woman, I loved her.

Jealousy can be emotional acid that corrodes marriages,
undermines self-esteem, triggers battering, and leads to the
ultimate crime of murder. Despite its dangerous
manifestations, jealousy helped to solve a critical
reproductive quandary for ancestral men. Jealous men were more
likely to preserve their valuable commitments for their own
children rather than squandering them on the children of their
rivals. As descendants of a long line of men who acted to
ensure their paternity, modern men carry with them the
dangerous passion that led to their forebears' reproductive
success.

A professional couple therapist I know related to me the
following story. A young couple, Joan and Richard, came to her
with a complaint of irrational jealousy. Without provocation,
Richard would burst into jealous tirades and accuse Joan of
sleeping with another man. His uncontrollable jealousy was
destroying their marriage. Richard and Joan both agreed on
this point. Could the therapist help cure Richard of
irrational jealousy? A common practice in couple therapy is to
have at least one session with each member of the couple
individually. The first question the therapist posed to Joan
during this individual interview was: Are you having an
affair? She burst into tears and confessed that, indeed, she
had been carrying on an affair for the past six
months. Richard's jealousy, it turned out, had not been
irrational after all. He had been picking up on subtle cues of
his wife's infidelity that triggered his jealousy. Since he
trusted Joan and she had assured him of her fidelity, however,
he believed that his jealousy had been irrational. In a sense,
Richard had failed to listen to his internal emotional
whisperings. He came to the wrong conclusion because he
overrode his feelings with “rationality.”

This episode gave me the first hint that jealousy represented
a form of ancestral wisdom that can have useful as well as
destructive consequences. Despite the possible hazards of
conducting research on jealousy, its potency convinced me that
it could not be ignored by science. In surveys we discovered
that nearly all men and women have experienced at least one
episode of intense jealousy. Thirty-one percent say that their
personal jealousy has sometimes been difficult to control. And
among those who admit to being jealous, 38 percent say that
their jealousy has led them to want to hurt someone.

Extreme jealousy has been given many names – the Othello
syndrome, morbid jealousy, psychotic jealousy, pathological
jealousy, conjugal paranoia, and erotic jealousy syndrome.
Jealousy, of course, can be pathological. It can destroy
previously harmonious relationships, rendering them hellish
nightmares of daily existence. Trust slowly built from years
of mutual reliance can be torn asunder in a crashing
moment. As we will explore in a later chapter, jealousy leads
more women to flee in terror to shelters than any other
cause. A full 13 percent of all homicides are spousal murders,
and jealousy is overwhelmingly the leading cause.

But destruction does not necessarily equal pathology. The
pathological aspect of extreme jealousy, according to the
mainstream wisdom, is not the jealousy itself. It is the
delusion that a loved one has committed an infidelity when
none has occurred. The rage itself upon the actual discovery
of an infidelity is something people everywhere intuitively
understand. In Texas until 1974, a husband who killed a wife
and her lover when he caught them in flagrante delicto was not
judged a criminal. In fact, the law held that a “reasonable
man” would respond to such extreme provocation with acts of
violence. Similar laws have been on the books
worldwide. Extreme rage upon discovering a wife naked in the
arms of another man is something that people everywhere find
intuitively comprehensible. Criminal acts that would normally
receive harsh prison sentences routinely get reduced when the
victim's infidelity is the extenuating circumstance.

The view of jealousy as pathological ignores a profound fact
about an important defense designed to combat a real
threat. Jealousy is not always a reaction to an infidelity
that has already been discovered. It can be an anticipatory
response, a preemptive strike to prevent an infidelity that
might occur. Labeling jealousy as pathological simply because
a spouse has not yet strayed ignores the fact that jealousy
can head off an infidelity that might be lurking on the
horizon of a relationship.

Excessive jealousy can be extraordinarily destructive. But
moderate jealousy, not an excess or an absence, signals
commitment. This book explores both sides of this double-edged
defense mechanism.

To understand the power of this extraordinary emotion, we must
trace it to its origin, long before capitalism, long before
agriculture and cash economies, long before writing and
recorded history, and long before humans fanned out and
colonized every habitable continent. We must trace its roots
to the evolution of one of the most unusual adaptations in
primate history, yet one that we take so much for granted that
its existence is hardly questioned: the emergence of long-term
love.

The Evolution of Love

Our closest primate cousins, the chimpanzees, lack exclusive
sexual bonds. Most mating takes place within the narrow window
of female estrus. When a female chimpanzee is in heat, a
variety of physiological changes take place. Her genitals
become swollen and pink for four to six days. The swellings
peak just before ovulation when she is most likely to
conceive. She emits pheromonal signals, hormone-saturated
substances that males find especially attractive, sometimes
driving them into a sexual frenzy. Sarah Hrdy of the
University of California at Davis notes that males sometimes
touch the vagina of the estrous female, gathering her
secretions on their fingers to smell or taste. Males use these
signals to monitor the female's reproductive state.

A male chimpanzee's position in the social hierarchy strongly
determines his sexual access to estrous females. Among the
chimpanzees at a large zoo colony in Arnham, the Netherlands,
for example, the dominant male achieves as many as 75 percent
of the matings with estrous females. The relationships
between male and female chimps are complex and can extend over
time, but chimps do not form the long-term committed
relationships that most humans desire.

Men and women have always depended on each other for survival
and reproduction. Love was not invented a few hundred years
ago by European poets, contrary to conventional wisdom in this
century. Love is a human universal, occurring in societies
ranging from the !Kung San of Botswana to the Ache of
Paraguay. In my study of 10,041 individuals from 37 different
cultures, men and women rated love as the single most
important quality in selecting a spouse. Across the globe,
people sing love songs and pine for lost lovers. They elope
with loved ones against the wishes of parents. They recount
personal tales of anguish, longing, and unrequited love. And
they narrate great love stories of romantic entanglements down
through the generations. The German writer Herman Hesse summed
it up best: Life is “the struggle for position and the search
for love.” Love is the universal human emotion that bonds the
sexes, the evolutionary meeting ground where men and women lay
down their arms.

The universal existence of love, however, poses a puzzle.
From an evolutionary perspective, no single decision is more
important than the choice of a mate. That single fork in the
road determines one's ultimate reproductive fate. More than
in any other domain, therefore, we expect evolution to produce
supremely rational mechanisms of mate choice, rational in the
sense that they lead to wise decisions rather than impetuous
mistakes. How could a blind passion like love – a form of
dementia that consumes the mind, crowds out all other
thoughts, creates emotional dependency, and produces a
delusional idealization of a partner – possibly evolve to
solve a problem that might be better solved by cool
rationality?

To penetrate this mystery, we must start with the scientific
evidence for mate preferences. Worldwide, from the coastal
dwelling Australians to the South African Zulu, women desire
qualities such as ambition, industriousness, intelligence,
dependability, creativity, exciting personality, and sense of
humor – characteristics that augur well for a man's success in
acquiring resources and achieving status. Given the
tremendous investment women undertake to produce a single
child, the nine months of costly internal fertilization and
gestation, it is perfectly reasonable for women to want men
who can invest in return. A woman's children will survive and
thrive better if she selects a resourceful man. Children
suffer when their mothers choose “slackers.” Men, in contrast,
place a greater premium on qualities linked with fertility,
such as a woman's youth, health, and physical appearance -
clear skin, smooth skin, bright eyes, full lips, symmetrical
features, and a slim waist. These preferences are also
perfectly sensible. We descended from ancestral mothers and
fathers who chose fertile and resourceful partners. Those who
failed to choose on these bases risked reproductive oblivion.

Although these rational desires set minimum thresholds on who
qualifies as an acceptable mate, rationality profoundly fails
to predict the final choice of a mate. As the psychologist
Steven Pinker of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology
observes, “Murmuring that your lover's looks, earning power,
and IQ meet your minimal standards would probably kill the
romantic mood, even if statistically true. The way to a
person's heart is to declare the opposite – that you're in
love because you can't help it.”

One key to the mystery of love is found in the psychology of
commitment. If a partner chooses you for rational reasons, he
or she might leave you for the same rational reasons: finding
someone slightly more desirable on all of the “rational”
criteria. But if the person is blinded by an uncontrollable
love that cannot be helped and cannot be chosen, a love for
only you and no other, then commitment will not waver when you
are in sickness rather than in health, when you are poorer
rather than richer. Love overrides rationality. It's the
emotion that ensures that you won't leave when someone
slightly more desirable comes along or when a perfect “10″
moves in next door. It ensures that a partner will stick by
you through the struggles of survival and the hazards of
childbirth.

Love, however, has a tragic side. The stories of great lovers
of the past, in fiction and in history, are often marked by
disaster. Juliet died of poison. Romeo chose to kill himself
rather than live without her. Love suicides have pervaded
Japanese culture for centuries, a final vindication of the
intensity of a person's commitment. When parents and society
conspire to keep lovers apart, lovers sometimes tie themselves
together and jump off a cliff or hurl themselves into a
well. The most perilous side of love, however, comes not from
a folie � deux, but from a folie � un – the demonic possession
that consumes a person when love is not
reciprocated. Unrequited love is the foundation for fatal
attraction.

Consider the case of John W. Hinckley, Jr., who scrawled a
final letter to the actress Jodie Foster on March 30, 1981,
shortly before attempting to assassinate President Ronald
Reagan:

Dear Jodie:

There is a definite possibility that I will be killed in my
attempt to get Reagan. It is for this very reason I am
writing you this letter now.

As you well know by now I love you very much. Over the
past seven months I've left you dozens of poems, letters
and love messages in the faint hope that you could develop
an interest in me…I know the many messages left at your
door and in your mailbox were a nuisance, but I felt that
it was the most painless way for me to express my love for
you…

Jodie, I would abandon this idea of getting Reagan in a
second if I could only win your heart and live out the rest
of my life with you…I will admit to you that the reason
I'm going ahead with this attempt now is because I just
cannot wait any longer to impress you. I've got to do
something now to make you understand, in no uncertain
terms, that I am doing this for your sake! By sacrificing
my freedom and possibly my life, I hope to change your mind
about me. This letter is being written only an hour before
I leave for the Hilton Hotel. Jodie, I'm asking you to
please look into your heart and at least give me the
chance, with this historic deed, to gain your respect and
love.

I love you forever.

John Hinckley

Cases as extreme as John Hinckley are rare, but the experience
of unrequited love is quite common. In one recent survey, 95
percent of men and women indicated that, by the age of 25,
they had experienced unrequited love at least once, either as
a would-be lover whose passions were rejected or as the object
of someone's unwanted desires. Only one person in 20 has
never experienced unrequited love of any kind.

Although unrequited love is a perilous passion, producing
fatal attractions and unwanted stalking, the dogged
persistence it produces sometimes pays off. One of the great
love stories in history is that of Nicholas and
Alexandra. Nicholas inherited the Russian throne at the end of
the 19th century. During his adolescence his parents started
looking for a suitable mate for him. At age 16, contrary to
his parent's wishes, he became obsessed with Alexandra, a
beautiful princess then living in England with her
grandmother, Queen Victoria. Despite parental objections,
cultural chasms, and a separation spanning thousands of miles,
Nicholas was determined to capture Alexandra's
love. Alexandra, however, found him a bit dull and did not
relish the thought of moving to the harsh climate of
Moscow. She spurned his advances. In 1892, Nicholas turned 24
and, having loved Alexandra for nearly eight years, resolved
to make one final effort to win her heart. Given this state of
mind, he was devastated when she wrote saying that she had
definitely decided not to wed him. She asked him not to
contact her again. All seemed lost.

Nicholas left his beloved Moscow immediately. He traveled
across Europe, suffering rough terrain and treacherous weather
in the journey to London. Although exhausted from travel,
Nicholas immediately began to persue Alexandra with great
passion. After two months, she finally relented and agreed to
marry him. The young couple thus became man and wife, rulers
of the Russian empire.

Although Nicholas's love was initially unrequited, their
marriage proved a joyful one. Diary entries from each revealed
sublime happiness, the great joy of their union, and the depth
of their love for each other. They produced five
children. Nicholas so enjoyed spending time with Alexandra and
their children that the Russian empire apparently suffered
from his neglect. When forced to be apart, they pined for each
other, wrote often, and endured great psychological pain until
their reunions. Their mutual love lasted throughout their
lives, until the Russian Revolution brought down the czarist
rule and they were executed. They died on the same day, their
lifelong love never having diminished. Had Nicholas given up
when initially spurned, their great love would have been lost
forever.

The same passion that led John Hinckley to pursue Jodie Foster
with desperate measures led Nicholas to succeed in turning an
unrequited obsession into lifelong love. In retrospect, one
seems irrational and unbalanced, the other logical and
normal. One we call pathological, the other a love story. But
what if Hinckley had succeeded in winning Jodie Foster's love
and Nicholas had failed in his quest for Alexandra? Love is a
dangerous passion that cuts both ways. There's a rationality
to the irrationality.

Once humans evolved love, the bonds they created required
protection. It would be extraordinarily unlikely that
evolution would fail to defend these fragile and fruitful
unions against interlopers. In the insect world, there is a
species known as the “lovebug.” Male lovebugs venture out in a
swarm of other males each morning in search of a chance to
mate with a female. When one succeeds, the couple departs from
the swarm and glides to the ground to copulate. Because other
males sometimes attempt to copulate with her, even after the
pair has begun mating, the couple maintains a continuous
copulatory embrace for as long as three days, hence the
nickname “the lovebug.” This strategy guards the union against
outside intruders.

In humans, guarding a bond must last more than days, months,
or even years because love can last a lifetime. The dangerous
emotion of jealousy evolved to fill this void. Love and
jealousy are intertwined passions. They depend on each other
and feed on each other. But just as the prolonged embrace of
the lovebug tells us that their bonds can be threatened, the
power of jealousy reveals the ever-present possibility that
our love bonds can be broken. The centrality of jealousy in
human love reveals a hidden side of our desires, one that we
typically go to great lengths to conceal – a passion for other
partners.

Hidden Desires

One Sunday morning William burst into the living room and
said, “Dad! Mom! I have some great news for you! I'm
getting married to the most beautiful girl in town. She
lives a block away and her name is Susan.” After dinner,
William's dad took him aside. “Son, I have to talk with
you. Your mother and I have been married 30 years. She's a
wonderful wife, but has never offered much excitement in
the bedroom, so I used to fool around with women a
lot. Susan is actually your half-sister, and I'm afraid you
can't marry her.”

William was heartbroken. After eight months he eventually
started dating again. A year later he came home and proudly
announced, “Dianne said yes! We're getting married in
June.” Again, his father insisted on a private conversation
and broke the sad news. “Dianne is your half-sister too,
William. I'm awfully sorry about this.”

William was furious. He finally decided to go to his mother
with the news. “Dad has done so much harm. I guess I'm
never going to get married,” he complained. “Every time I
fall in love, Dad tells me the girl is my half-sister.”

His mother just shook her head. “Don't pay any attention to
what he says, dear. He's not really your father.”

We find this story funny not simply because the ending carries
a surprise. It's amusing because the mother ultimately gets
payback for the “father's” philandering. Cuckolds are
universal objects of laughter and derision, and a constant
source of engaging tales from the tragedy of William
Shakespeare's Othello to the middle-class marital dramas
portrayed in the novels of John Updike.

To understand the origins of sexual passion we must introduce
a disturbing difference between the sexes. Everyday
observation tells us that men are more promiscuously inclined
than women. “Men found to desire more sex partners than women
desire” would be no more likely to make the headlines than
“Dog bites man.” But scientific verification is always useful,
since common sense, which tells us that the earth is flat,
sometimes turns out to be wrong. Science, in this case, has
verified the everyday knowledge that men do display a greater
passion for playing around. In one of our recent studies of
more than 1,000 men and women, men reported desiring eight sex
partners over the next three years, whereas women reported
desiring only one or two. In another study, men were four
times more likely than women to say that they have imagined
having sex with 1,000 or more partners.

Observing that men and women differ, however, is not the same
as explaining why they differ. There are compelling
evolutionary reasons for the fact that this difference in
desire for sexual variety is universal, found not just in
cultures saturated with media images of seductive models, not
just among Hugh Hefner's generation of Playboy readers, and
not just in studies conducted by male scientists. To explain
this desire, we must introduce another key fact about human
reproductive biology.

To produce a single child, women bear the burdens and
pleasures of nine months of pregnancy – an obligatory form of
parental investment that men cannot share. Men, to produce the
same child, need only devote a few hours, a few minutes, or
even a few seconds. Wide is the gulf between men and women in
the effort needed to bring forth new life. Over time,
therefore, a strategy of casual mating proved to be more
reproductively successful for men than for women. Men who
succeeded in the arms of many women out-reproduced men who
succeeded with fewer. An ancestral woman, in contrast, could
have had sex with hundreds of partners in the course of a
single year and still have produced only a single
child. Unless a woman's regular partner proved to be
infertile, additional sex partners did not translate into
additional children. As a consequence, men evolved a more
powerful craving for sex with a variety of women.

This sex difference in desire creates an intriguing puzzle.
Sexual encounters require two people. Mathematically, the
number of heterosexual encounters must be identical for the
sexes. Men cannot satisfy their lust for sex partners without
willing women. Indeed, men's passion for multiple partners
could never have evolved unless there were some women who
shared that desire. Is casual sex a recent phenomenon, perhaps
created by the widespread prevalence of birth control devices
that liberated women from the previous risks of pregnancy? Or
did ancestral women do it too?

Three scientific clues, when taken together, provide a
compelling answer. Men's sexual jealousy provides the first
clue, the ominous passion that led us to this mystery. If
ancestral women were naturally inclined to be flawlessly
faithful, men would have had no evolutionary catalyst for
jealousy. Men's jealousy is an evolutionary response to
something alarming: the threat of a loved one's infidelity.
The intensity of men's jealousy provides a psychological clue
that betrays women's desire for men other than their regular
partners.

Second, affairs are known in all cultures, including tribal
societies, pointing to the universal prevalence of infidelity.
Prevalence rates vary from culture to culture (high in Sweden
and low in China), but affairs occur everywhere. Sexual
infidelity causes divorce worldwide more than any other
marital violation, being closely rivaled only by the
infertility of the union. The fact that women have affairs in
cultures from the Tiwi of northern Australia to the suburbs of
Los Angeles reveals that some women refuse to limit themselves
to a single partner despite men's attempts to control them and
despite the risk of divorce if discovered.

A third line of evidence comes from new research on human
sperm competition. Sperm competition occurs when the sperm
from two different men inhabit a woman's reproductive tract at
the same time. Human sperm remain viable within the woman's
tract for up to seven days, not merely one or two days as
scientists previously believed. Indeed, my colleagues have
discovered hundreds of “crypts” recessed within the vaginal
walls of women in which they store a man's sperm and then
release it several days later to enter a marathon race to her
egg. If a woman has sex with two men within the course of a
week, sperm competition can ensue, as the sperm from different
men scramble and battle for the prize of fertilizing the
egg. Research on sperm competition reveals that men's sperm
volume, relative to their body weight, is twice that which
occurs in primate species known to be monogamous, a clue that
hints at a long evolutionary history of human sperm
competition.

Human sperm, moreover, come in different “morphs,” or shapes,
designed for different functions. Most common are the “egg
getters,” the standard government-issue sperm with conical
heads and sinewy tails designed for swimming speed – the Mark
Spitzes of the sperm world. But a substantial minority of
sperm have coiled tails. These so-called kamikaze sperm are
poorly designed for swimming speed. But that's not their
function. When the sperm from two different men are mixed in
the laboratory, kamikaze sperm wrap themselves around the egg
getters and destroy them, committing suicide in the
process. These physiological clues reveal a long evolutionary
history in which men battled with other men, literally within
the woman's reproductive tract, for access to the vital egg
needed for transporting their genes into the next
generation. Without a long history of sperm competition,
evolution would have favored neither the magnitude of human
sperm volume nor the specialized sperm shapes designed for
battle.

All these clues – the universality of infidelity, men's sexual
jealousy, and the hallmarks of sperm competition – point to a
disturbing answer to the question of ancestral women's sexual
strategies. They reveal the persistent expression of women's
passion for men other than their husbands, a phenomenon that
must have occurred repeatedly over the long course of human
evolution. Modern women have inherited this passion from their
ancestral mothers.

Why Women Have Affairs

Because scientists have focused primarily on the obvious
reproductive benefits of men's desire for sexual variety, the
potential benefits to women of short-term sexual passion
languished for years unstudied. The puzzle is compounded by
the fact that a woman's infatuation with another man comes
laden with danger. An unfaithful woman, if discovered, risks
damage to her social reputation, the loss of her partner's
commitment, physical injury, and occasionally death at the
hands of a jealous man. Undoubtedly, many women weigh these
risks, and choose not to act on their sexual desires. The
benefits to women who do act on their passion for other men,
given the possibility of catastrophic costs, must be perceived
as sufficiently great to make it worth the risk.

For the past seven years, Heidi Greiling and I have been
studying why women have affairs. Our lab has focused on the
benefits that are so alluring that women from all walks of
life are willing to take great risks to pursue sex and love
outside of marriage. Our research centered on three questions:
What benefits do women reap from affairs? What circumstances
are most likely to drive a woman into another man's arms? And
which women are most prone to affairs?

Historically, women may have benefited from an affair in
countless ways. The first and most obvious benefit comes from
the direct resources that an affair partner may provide. A few
expensive dinners may not seem like much today, but an extra
supply of meat from the hunt would have made the difference
between starving and surviving during ancestral winters when
the land lay bare, or between merely surviving and robustly
thriving during more plentiful times.

Women also can benefit from affairs in the currency of quality
genes. The puzzle of the peacock's tail provided the telltale
clue to this benefit. A peahen's preference for peacocks with
brilliant plumage may signal selection for genes for good
health. When peacocks carry a high load of parasites, their
diminished health is revealed in duller displays. By selecting
for luminescence, peahens secure good genes for health that
benefit their offspring. Research by Steve Gangestad and Randy
Thornhill of the University of New Mexico reveals that women
may be choosing affair partners with especially healthy
genes. Women who have sex with different men can also produce
more genetically diverse children, providing a sort of “hedge”
against environmental change.

Although genetic and resource benefits may flow to women who
express their hidden sexual side, our studies uncovered one
benefit that overshadowed the others in importance, a benefit
we call “mate insurance.” During ancestral times, disease,
warfare, and food shortages made survival a precarious
proposition. The odds were not trivial that a husband would
succumb to a disease, become debilitated by a parasite, or
incur injury during a risky hunt or a tribal battle. The
paleontological and cross-cultural records reveal this clue -
the skulls and skeletons show injuries mostly on males. A
woman's husband, in short, stood a significant chance of
suffering a debilitating or lethal wound.

Ancestral women who failed to have mate insurance, a backup
replacement in the event that something happened to her
regular partner, would have suffered greatly compared to women
who cultivated potential replacements. Modern women have
inherited the desires of their ancestral mothers for
replacement mates. In the words of one woman in our study,
“Men are like soup – you always want to have one on the back
burner.” Mate insurance provides a safeguard against
reasonable risks of losing a partner.

And mate insurance remains relevant today, even though we've
conquered many of the hazards that felled our
forebears. American divorce rates now approach 67 percent for
those currently getting married, up from the mere 50 percent
figure that alarmed many over the past two decades. Remarriage
is rapidly becoming the norm. The Dangerous Passion explores
how women's desire for additional partners is ancestral wisdom
that, however alarming to husbands, continues to serve a
critical insurance function for women today.

Urges of Ovulation

Women's attraction to lovers has another mysterious
ingredient: the puzzle of concealed ovulation. Unlike
chimpanzees, women's genitals do not become engorged when they
ovulate. Women have “lost estrus” and engage in sex throughout
their ovulatory cycle. Conventional scientific wisdom has
declared that a woman's ovulation is cryptic, concealed even
from the woman herself. But have the urges associated with
ovulation totally vanished?

In the most extensive study of ovulation and women's
sexuality, several thousand married women were asked to record
their sexual desires every day for a period of twenty-four
months. The methods were crude but straightforward: women
simply placed an X on the recording sheet on each day that
they experienced sexual desire. Basal body temperature was
recorded to determine the phase of the menstrual cycle. These
thousands of data points yielded a startling pattern. On the
first day of a woman's period, practically no women reported
experiencing sexual desire. The numbers rose dramatically
across the ovarian cycle, peaking precisely at the point of
maximum fertility, and then declining rapidly during the
luteal phase after ovulation. Women, of course, can experience
sexual desire at any phase of their cycle. Nonetheless, they
are five times more likely to experience sexual desire when
they are ovulating than when they are not.

Women sometimes act on their passions. A recent survey of
1,152 women, many of whom were having affairs, revealed a
startling finding. Women who stray tend to time their sexual
liaisons with their affair partners to coincide with the peak
of their sexual desire, when they are most likely to
conceive. Sex with husbands, in sharp contrast, is more likely
to occur when women are not ovulating, a strategy that may be
aimed at keeping a man rather than conceiving with him. None
of this is conscious, of course. Women do not think “I'll try
to time sex with my affair partner when I'm ovulating so that
I'll bear his child and not my husband's.” Psychologically,
women simply experience sexual desire more when they are
ovulating, and if they have an affair partner, have urges to
have sex with him during this phase. Ovulation may seem
concealed to outside observers, but women appear to act on the
impulses that spring from it. And when that desire for men
other than their husbands occurs, it's difficult for most men
to tell when their mates are straying or may be likely to
stray. I call this the signal detection problem.

The Signal Detection Problem

Across cultures, people have affairs that are specifically
designed to avoid detection. In Arizona, one motel marquee
boasts that it is the “No-Tell Motel.” In states across
America, you can rent some hotel rooms at an hourly rate. The
woman returning from a business trip does not make her brief
fling on the road the first topic of conversation. The
husband who conceals his finances from his wife may be
funneling resources to support a mistress on the side.

Spouses experience a signal detection problem. Consider
camping in the woods at night and hearing a sound somewhere in
the dark. Was that the sound of a twig snapping, merely the
wind blowing, or the unfamiliar night sounds playing tricks on
your ears? Assuming that you have correctly detected the
signal as a twig snap, the possible causes of this event are
many, but they are not infinite. It could be a rock that
somehow got dislodged. But it could also be a dangerous animal
or a hostile human. The signal detection problem is not merely
about picking up accurate signals in the face of an uncertain
and ambiguous welter of information. It is also about making
correct inferences about the cause of the signal.

Since sexual infidelities are almost invariably secret, the
signals they might emit are intentionally muted. An unfamiliar
scent, the purchase of a sharp new jacket, the running of a
yellow light, a new interest in Beethoven or the Beastie Boys,
an unexplained absence – all of these can be signals, but they
can originate from many causes other than infidelity. The
jealous person experiences an elevated sensitivity to signals
of infidelity: “He may see a red flush on his wife's cheek,
she may appear to be standing awkwardly, or sitting sideways
on a chair, she has put on a clean dress, there is a
cigarette-end in the fireplace…the jealous man sees a
handkerchief on the floor, a wet cloth in the bathroom,
newspapers in a ditch, and attaches to all the same import.”

Consider the case of a European psychiatrist who counseled
many couples referred to him in which one of the spouses
experienced “morbid jealousy.” Most cases were husbands who
had delusions that their wives were sexually unfaithful, and
these delusions destroyed the fabric of trust required for
harmonious marriage. Because he believed that extreme jealousy
was a psychiatric illness that could not be cured, his most
common recommendation was that the couples separate or
divorce. Many couples followed his recommendations. Because he
was keenly interested in the subsequent fate of his patients,
he routinely contacted them after a number of months had
passed. To his astonishment, he discovered that many of the
wives of his patients had subsequently become sexually
involved with the very men about whom their husbands had been
jealous! Some of these women actually married the men who were
the objects of their husbands' suspicions. In many cases, the
husbands must have been sensing signs of infidelity. But
because the wives proclaimed innocence and declared that their
husbands' jealousy was irrational, the husbands ended up
believing that the problem was in their heads. The problem of
signal detection is how to identify and correctly interpret a
partner's betrayal in an uncertain social world containing a
chaos of conflicting clues.

Jealousy is often triggered by circumstances that signal a
real threat to a relationship, such as differences in the
desirability of the partners, as illustrated by the following
case. The man was 35 years old, working as a foreman, when he
was referred to a psychiatrist and diagnosed with “morbid
jealousy.” He had married at age 20 to a woman of 16 whom he
deeply loved. During their first two years of marriage, he was
stationed in military service in England. During this
two-year separation, he received several anonymous letters
saying that his wife was carrying on an affair. When he
returned to America to rejoin her, he questioned her intensely
about the allegations, but she denied them. Their own sexual
relations proved disappointing. He became obsessed with the
earlier time in their marriage, repeatedly accused his wife of
infidelity, and hit her from time to time, especially after a
bout of drinking. He tried to strangle her twice, and several
times he threatened to kill himself.

He openly admitted his problems to the psychiatrist: “I'm so
jealous that when I see anyone near her I want to hurt her. I
have always loved her but do not think she has returned my
affection. This jealousy is something I feel in my stomach and
when it comes out of me there is nothing I can do about
it. That is why I behave so madly….My wife is always telling
me that other men are stronger and can beat me….I'm not a
big chap or a handsome chap but my wife is so pretty and I
don't think I come up to her high standards.” In other words,
he perceived a difference in their level of desirability; she
was attractive and alluring, and he saw himself as beneath
her. When the psychiatrist questioned the wife in private, she
admitted to meeting and having an affair with a married
man. The affair was carried on in secret, and throughout the
duration of her affair she insisted that her husband's
jealousy was delusional. The affair began roughly one year
before the husband was referred to the psychiatrist to treat
“his problem.”

Differences in desirability – when an “8″ is married to a “10″
- can heighten sensitivity to signals of infidelity in the
partner who has fewer outside mating options. Elaine Hatfield
and her colleagues at the University of Hawaii discovered that
the more desirable partner in the couple in fact is more
likely to stray. Those who have been in relationships with
both more attractive and less attractive partners have an
acute awareness of how jealousy is attuned to these
differences. These differences represent one among many signs
of actual or impending infidelity explored in depth later in
the book.

Emotional Wisdom

Jealousy is necessary because of the real threat of sexual
treachery. In a hazardous world where rivals lurk, partners
harbor passions for other people, and infidelity threatens to
destroy what could have been a lifelong love, it would be
surprising if evolution had not forged elaborate defenses to
detect and fend off these threats. Exposing these threats, and
the psycho-logical arms we have to combat them, is a first
step toward comprehending the wisdom of passions that
sometimes seem so destructive.

The Dangerous Passion takes us on a journey through the
rationality of these seemingly irrational emotions, examining
the fundamental desires of what men and women want, and why
these longings so often produce conflict. Chapter 2 introduces
the jealousy paradox – why an emotion that evolved to protect
love can rip a relationship apart. It explores the evolution
of conflict between men and women, why painful emotions are
necessary in resolving conflicts, and why men and women are
locked in a never-ending spiral of love and strife.

Chapter 3 focuses on why men and women differ in their
underlying psychology of jealousy. It reveals that men and
women are neither unisex equivalents nor aliens from different
planets. When it comes to adaptive problems that differ for
men and women, passions diverge; for adaptive problems that
are the same, their emotions joyfully commingle.

Chapter 4, “The Othello Syndrome,” investigates seemingly
bizarre clinical cases in which a jealous person becomes
untethered, resulting in delusional suspicions about a
partner's infidelity. We explore why our minds are designed
not merely to pick up on infidelities that have already
occurred, but also to detect circumstances that signal an
increased likelihood that a partner will stray in the
future. Chapter 5 delves into the frightening abuses produced
by the dangerous passion – battering, stalking, and killing -
and identifies when women are most vulnerable to these
violations.

Although I call jealousy the dangerous passion, it cannot be
disentangled from the risky cravings that men and women harbor
for other lovers. Chapter 6 examines the qualities of
relationships that make a person susceptible to infidelity,
the personality characteristics that predict who's likely to
cheat, and why some people unwittingly drive their partners
into the arms of a paramour. Chapter 7 explores why women have
affairs, and why modern women have inherited from their
ancestral mothers a roving eye.

Chapter 8 identifies the strategies we use to cope with
jealousy and infidelity and why some therapeutic efforts to
eradicate jealousy are often misguided. The final chapter
reveals the positive uses of jealousy for enhancing sexual
passion and life-long love, and examines how we can harness
emotional wisdom to enrich our relationships.

The Underground City

Roger Ebert wants to turn it into a park.

The lease-holder of the 16 acres wants to build four 50 story buildings.

I say do both. But this time build down.

Fred Hapgood
Attache
March, 1998

http://world.std.com/~fhapgood/texts/montreal.htm

For hundreds of years, from Dante's circles of Hell to the sewers of
_Les Miserables_, underground spaces have been portrayed as hellholes
of oppression, monotony, and confinement. And why not? Who wants to
live like a mole, like an ant? As open-minded and flexible as we
humans are about our addresses — and we can be found in the hottest,
coldest, wettest, and driest neighborhoods on the planet — it seems
only common sense to draw a line at moving into the realm of cellars,
vaults, and caves.


So a visit to the great underground city of Montreal comes
as a bit of an eye-opener. Even on a glorious day last
September, with the weather offering every inducement to be
outside and on the surface, the 20+ miles of underground
lanes and passageways were flooded. A visitor looking
around would see commuters striding forcefully, tourists
meandering, suits networking, window shoppers appraising,
friends chatting in clusters, Gen-Xers slacking in the
corners of the many street cafes, pensioneers
people-watching, and inevitably, drawn from all over
Quebec, packs of squealing mall rats, chasing through the
crowds like breezes through standing corn. 500,000 people
are said to pass through the Underground every day; some
might suspect even that number was an underestimate.

Yet another species that might be found bobbing on this
tide are planners or designers from other countries, come
to rethink their prejudices about underground space. The
great lesson of modernization is that as income rises,
cities grow. Dozens of cities around the world now have
populations in excess of ten million; when planners look
ahead they see even these populations expanding. At the
same time, as income rises, so does interest in parks and
gardens, open spaces, the preservation of historical
architecture, and escape from the noise, stench, and risks
of the automobile. Planners trying to juggle these goals
and trends keep finding themselves vectoring back to the
underground. Because underground development literally
manufactures new real estate, it ameliorates the old
zero-sum squabbling between development and all other
possible uses for the Earth's surface. In theory, assuming
reasonable progress in the construction technologies, it
could do so indefinitely, since the amount of room down
there is for all practical purposes unlimited.

Hybrid Diesel/Electric Motorcycle

Lean Green Cycling Machine
Dana Bauer
Penn State Online

http://www.rps.psu.edu/0105/cycling.html

The Lean Green Cycling Machine

The Combustion Lab where Jim Szybist works is, for all intents and purposes, a garage for gearheads: music
blaring on the radio, smell of diesel in the air, overflowing tool boxes, and engines lying in various states of
disrepair. But if you pay attention, you'll see computers silently chewing on data and detailed lab notebooks
spread open on countertops, and you'll hear the buzz of graduate students – men and women – discussing their
engine and fuel-related research.

This is a garage for academic gearheads.

Szybist, a first year master's student in fuel
science, has been working here since last
summer. (He doesn't even notice the diesel fumes
anymore.) He and his adviser Andr� Boehman,
associate professor of fuel science at Penn State,
are collaborating with a small Pennsylvania
company called eCycle to develop a
hybrid-electric motorcycle. The cycle will be
powered by a diesel engine and an electric motor
working together.

Soybean Powered Motorcycle

Soybean oil powers motorcycle
High-mileage cycle may travel from
Pacific to Gulf of Mexico with
just 12 gallons of fuel

By DAVE YONKMAN Staff writer
Holland Sentinel
Web posted Wednday, March 21, 2001

http://www.hollandsentinel.com/stories/032101/loc_0321010004.shtml

Hugh Gerhardt is working on a
lightweight, aerodynamic
motorcycle that he hopes will
travel from the Pacific Coast to
the Gulf of Mexico on a single
12-gallon tank — of soybean oil.

If he can make it work, the Olive
Township resident's limited
production Honda 250cc built for
racing would almost certainly be
the first to make the 1,250-mile
trip from San Diego to Corpus
Christi, Texas, on food oil-based
“biodiesel” fuel, according to the
National Biodiesel Board at
Jefferson City, Mo.

“That would be amazing,” said
Jenna Higgins, a spokeswoman for
the Biodiesel Board, a nonprofit
group that promotes biodiesel as a
gasoline alternative.

Gerhardt, a 42-year-old product
manager for Holland Transplanter
Co., has been working in a back
room of the company a few hours a
week for the past five years
developing the project. Using
titanium and carbon fiber to
replace heavier parts on the
Honda, he expects it to average
125 miles per gallon on the
soybean fuel when traveling at 65
mph.

“Even the road-cruising
motorcycles at best are getting 45
miles per gallon,” Gerhardt said.

He's working with three types of
engines: a three-cylinder
Volkswagen Lupo, a two-cylinder
Yanmar V-Twin and a three-cylinder
Briggs & Stratton Diahtsu.

The engine's efficiency will be
aided by an aerodynamic design
provided by professional
motorcycle racer Jeff Vos of
Holland. Gerhardt estimates the
total cost so far at $20,000.

“What we're trying to do is
maximize fuel economy,” he said
during an interview.

The idea isn't new, according to
Higgins.

Biodiesel — made in a chemical
process in which glycerin is
removed from food oil — has been
regularly used in Europe for the
past 10 years and is used in 50
major trucking fleets in the
United States, Higgins said. The
University of Michigan started
using it in trucks beginning this
year. The fuel also is used in New
Jersey on public transportation
buses.

Inventor Rudolph Diesel ran his
first diesel engines on peanut oil
in 1896, but switched to
petroleum-based fuel because it
was cheaper.

That has been changing recently,
with the cost of petroleum
steadily becoming more expensive
and the price of soybeans falling,
according to Gerhardt.

As of last week, diesel fuel cost
$1.39 per gallon at Rock Island
truck stop, compared with $2 per
gallon for soybean oil. The price
falls even farther considering
that the tax on diesel doesn't
apply to fuel from agricultural
byproducts.

The motorcycle crowd might be less
than enthusiastic about switching
to biodiesel, even if it becomes
even becomes cheaper, according to
Gus Hendrixson, the owner of Gus'
Custom Cycles, a Harley-Davidson
motorcycle shop on Lincoln Avenue.

“You'll get the economy and
cost-effectiveness, but not the
performance,” Hendrixson
said. “People want performance
right now.”

Then there's the smell.

While it might smell better than
diesel oil, the odor is more
reminiscent of a fast food
restaurant than a roaring
Harley-Davidson.

“Most people say it smells like
french fries or popcorn,” Higgins
said.

The odor isn't one of Gerhardt's
concerns right now.

He said he always wondered about
the possibilities of food-based
fuel while growing up on a farm in
Indiana, and began to actively
pursue the idea while a
24-year-old working as a service
representative for a tractor
company in Tonganoxie, Kansas.

He said he regularly took trips on
his motorcycle throughout the
Midwest, as well as regular
weekend trips to his hometown of
Chandler, Ind., which was 600
miles away. “I ran out of gas too
many times on the Interstate,”
Gerhardt said.

He said he's currently working on
setting the gears in the
transmission and installing the
preferred engine to maximize
horsepower, and hopes to make the
trip by this autumn.

Gerhardt's Web site:

http://www.maxmpg.8k.com

National Biodiesel Board:

http://www.biodiesel.org

Why healthy fast food flops….

Malcolm Gladwell has a number of fascinating articles on his site. Be sure to check it out.

March 5, 2001
ANNALS OF EATING
The Trouble with Fries
Fast food is killing us. Can it be fixed?
Malcolm Gladwell

http://www.gladwell.com/2001/2001_03_05_a_fries.htm

Leann Birch, a developmental psychologist at Penn State, has
looked at the impact of these sorts of expectations on children. In
one experiment, she took a large group of kids and fed them a big
lunch. Then she turned them loose in a room with lots of junk
food. “What we see is that some kids eat almost nothing,”
she says. “But other kids really chow down, and one of the
things that predicts how much they eat is the extent to which
parents have restricted their access to high-fat, high-sugar food
in the past: the more the kids have been restricted, the more
they eat.” Birch explains the results two ways. First, restricting
food makes kids think not in terms of their own hunger but in
terms of the presence and absence of food. As she puts it, “The
kid is essentially saying, 'If the food's here I better get it while I
can, whether or not I'm hungry.' We see these five-year-old kids
eating as much as four hundred calories.” Birch's second finding,
though, is more important. Because the children on restricted
diets had been told that junk food was bad for them, they clearly
thought that it had to taste good. When it comes to junk food,
we seem to follow an implicit script that powerfully biases the
way we feel about food. We like fries not in spite of the fact
that they're unhealthy but because of it.